Awesome Crazy

Anything For Power - A Cartoon Biography:The Real Story Of China\'s Jiang Zemin

0 Members and 2 Guests are viewing this topic.

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
Jiang Zemin’s days are numbered. It is only a question of when, not if, the former head of the Chinese Communist Party will be arrested. Jiang officially ran the Chinese regime for more than a decade, and for another decade he was the puppet master behind the scenes who often controlled events. During those decades Jiang did incalculable damage to China.

A Cartoon Biography
Anything For Power
The real story of China’s Jiang Zemin
One: A Family Of Traitors
1: Jiang Zemin’s traitor father

In1915, Jiang Ze-mn’s grandfather, Jiang Shi-xi, a doctor of Chinese medicine ventured into business.  Jiang Shi-xi had seven children. The eldest child Jiang Shi–jun was Jiang Ze-min’s father. Jiang Ze-min has an older sister Jiang Ze-fen, and a younger sister Jiang Ze-nan, and a younger brother Jiang Ze-kuan.

In 1940 Wang Jing-wei set up the puppet Japanese government in Nanjing. He was in need of much man power, and a range of talents, from ministers to clerks. It’s for this reason that brazen intellectuals, crooked merchants,  jobless has-been politicians and former officials swarmed to Nanjing. So did Jiang Ze-min’s father, Jiang Shi-jun.

He was appointed as a vice minister in the ministry of propaganda, and made the head member of the Institution’s Editorial Committee. He also worked under Hu Lan-cheng, the main staff writer of the China Daily. He was in charge of the daily operation in the ministry. He feared that his work for the Japanese could come back to haunt him, therefore, changed his name to Jiang Guan-qian.

Both literature and electrical engineering were hobbies for Jiang Shi-jun, and he devoted much time to the two pursuits, working for the Japanese. Jiang Shi-jun had also made a careful study of Nazi’s propaganda tactics.

He single-handedly organized a so-called Exhibition of Military Successes, in the Pacific Region of the Great Crusade of East Asia, in which he applied the propaganda techniques he had learnt, and his knowledge of electrical engineering, so as to depict, fully with sound and light effects, air and naval Warfare, between the US and Japan, suggesting the Japanese Army’s Bushido spirit, and symbolizing the permanent military power the Army enjoyed. Through all of this, the audience would be given the impression, that the Japanese invaders were unconquerable, and would forever occupy China.

Jiang Shi-jun used to make an annual show of cultural patronage by holding a grand ceremony in honor of Confucius. He would orchestrate a performance consisting of, as prescribed by Confucian Doctrines, eight rolls of dancers, follow the rites, as prescribed for a king in the Book of Rites, and offer three sacrifices of pork, beef and lamb, and after the ceremonies, mince the three sacrifices and send them to officials in the ministries and bureaus of the puppet Japanese government.

He also employed the folk style propaganda. He reworked a Budhist folk tradition, the Feast of All Souls festival, for his own purposes, organized a grand version of the festival, that had lanterns floating on local waters, and found in it means to falsely suggest peace and prosperity, in the aftermath of, and so as to help people forget, the terrible Nanjing Massacre, only a few years before. Spectators were anesthetized to the grim historical reality, so recent still, perpetrated at the hands of the Japanese regime.

He published a children’s picture book, entitled “A History of  British American Aggression Against China”, intending to stir up hatred towards the two nations, while eulogizing the greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere.

Along with this, Jiang Shi-jun helped, to plan the production of “A Legacy That Will Live Forever”, a movie, the goal of which was to bash Britain and America. Using a large sum of money, he solicited the help of a famous director, and further invited a movie star, to play the part of the Qin dynasty official, Lin Ze-xu. The effort masticated history, as we know it, so as to suit the needs of Japanese forces, and incite hatred against the United States.

So that his eldest son might one day outshine others, Jiang Shi-jun sent Jiang Ze-min to an expensive high school, Yangzhou High School, and then later to Central University, which was run by Wang Jing Wei’s puppet government. From a young age, Jiang Ze-min was enrolled in piano lessons. That wealth would accrue in the Jiang family at that time, and through the dealings of a traitor, no less, was most extraordinary, for those were the years when the ordinary Chinese found it’s hard to just make ends meet.

Jiang Ze-min would live up to his father’s expectations learning to sing, dance, play musical instruments, and even know something of Peking and the Canton Opera.

Although he was busy with his job everyday, Jiang Shi-jun always found time to earnestly and tirelessly teach his son,Jiang Ze-min. It was then that Jiang Ze-min realized power and money get things done. Jiang Ze-min knew the power of media, a weapon he had come to understand before he was even 15 years of age.

Jiang Ze-min has long been fond of the lashes scenery, in the life of opulence, alongside the Qin Huai River. The invading Japanese Army, for political purposes, made celebrity of a Japanese actress Li Xiang-lan, known as the Imperial Flower. Jiang Ze-min has always had trouble keeping pretty ladies off his mind, with Li Xiang-lan being no exception.

The combination of his father’s influence, and the propaganda tactics gleaned from the CCP, made Jiang Ze-min an even more skilled propagandist than his father. And the money the son spent on propaganda was of course far greater. The deceit of his father hardly compares with that of Jiang Ze-min, be it in scope, or depth.

Post Merge:  8:14 pm Thursday, June 20, 2019

1-2: Like Father Like Son

The special agents of the invading Japanese Army, were headed up by a general Kenji Doihara, and his right hand man, was Ding Mo-cun. It was thus a top priority for Ding, to train some specialized students, who could blend in with regular students, thereby monitor them. In this capacity they could spot any traces of anti-Japanese sentiments or activities, arrest and remove those involved.

Jiang Shi-jun hoped much for his son’s success. He knew well that only those who have served as special agents, could be trusted or promoted in rank by the Japanese Army. Jiang Shi-jun seized the opportunity of the sessions and strongly made the case for his son. Jiang Ze-min attended the training.

Interestingly, the special agents took political classes, alongside those courses providing training in technique subjects, effecting something of a brainwash program. All special agents were forbidden from having any mainstream religious believes. Nietzsche, the man who once claimed that God is dead, and who did much to advance the cause of atheism, thus made for a perfect, read, and become part of the agents’ indoctrination.

Jiang Ze-min was not only exempted from paying tuition, but further received a stipend. He led an extravagant life in college, often visiting [FORUM CENSOR] houses, with a band of shady friends, who sucked up to the rich and powerful.  Jiang Ze-min grew corrupted early, due to his capacity as a special agent, explaining, in part, why he visited, and easily knew how to find prostitutes on his first business trip to the United States, as the Minister of Electronics Industry. Such behavior was rather rare among minister level officials at the time. 

After completing the session, a student would admitted directly to Central University. Jiang Ze-min chose Electrical Engineering as his major. The subject, of course, had something to do with his father’s hobby, but gained particular interest for Jiang Ze-min, in that his father’s Exhibition of Military Successes, in the Pacific Region of the Great Crusade in the East Asia, had captured his imagination, and held him rapt.

With the surrender of Japan’s forces on Sept. 3, 1945, Jiang Ze-min’s father, Jiang Shi-jun sensed that he himself was in imminent danger, and thus discarded his pseudonym, Jiang Guan-qian, and switched his identity back to Jiang Shi-jun, the business man, engineer, and a lover of literature. He returned to his hometown and lived in hiding for sometime.

On Sept. 26, 1945, the Nationalist KMT Government started investigation of puppet students, attending public colleges in the Japanese occupied territories.  Jiang Ze-min was among the puppet students, suspected of treason, and marked for investigation. Before he was to be examined, however, Jiang Ze-min had left school and run away.

Gone with the days of special agent’s operating funds, he roamed about in a place named Mian Hua Ping, located in Yongxin, Jiangxi Province. Jiang Ze-min became homeless in hunger and cold, only later did a local peasant gave him a place to stay. He’d remain there over half a year. After becoming the General Secretary of the CCP, Jiang Ze-min, on one occasion, stayed over in Yongxin for a day, and made a point of visiting Mian Hua Ping. None of his entourage knew why he was so familiar with such a small place, and why he even wanted to visit there.

Before he eventually left the countryside, Jiang Ze-min wrote down in an old medical book in the peasant’s home, that should he ever rise to power someday, he’d certainly come back to visit, and signed his name. In 1997, a descendant of that peasant found the signed medical book, much to his own astonishment, he proceeded to locate a relative of powerful CCP member, Wei Jian-xing, wishing to get advice on what to do with the book.

Around the time of Jiang’s flight from college, the underground Chinese Communist Party’s Student Committee in Shanghai, exploited many students’ dissatisfaction with the investigations, and roused the students to take to the streets, to march and protest, and in so doing evoked wide spread public response.

Jiang Ze-min transferred to Shanghai Jiaotong university. He later claimed that he had participated in alleged 1943 student movement, that was organized by the underground CCP. The truth is that in the Japanese occupied territories, there was never any student movement led by the underground CCP, at any school. There were only secret underground counter-Japanese activities.

After Jiang graduated from Shanghai Jiaotong University in 1947, he was hired, in 1948, as a technical engineer to work in the power supply section of a food factory, that was later a subsidiary of Beijing-Shanghai-Hangzhou Garrison Headquarters. Since the factory was a war industry enterprise, under strict KMT control, all staff and employees, and, in particular, those holding key positions, were investigated with utmost precision. Jiang Ze-min did everything to keep his background as a traitor well concealed.

At the time when Jiang Ze-min was hired, the factory was subsidiary of Haiming Foreign Firm, a US enterprise. The factory later was purchased by the KMT’s Combined Rear Services Headquarters, and renamed First Grain Factory. Jiang Ze-min has always avoided the fact that he worked for the Americans and the KMT during that time. In his resume, as supplied by the Central Committee of the CCP, this period of time was conveniently absent.

Students from the Young Leaders Training Sessions had fled upon the surrender of Japanese troops, those who fell into the CCP’s hand, became part time teachers for the regime’s Public Security Department. Jiang Ze-min, years later, managed by means of artifice learnt as special agent, fooled all of his rivals in the Communist Party, new and veteran alike, climbed all the way up, and became the Party’s boss!
« Last Edit: 8:14 pm Thursday, June 20, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
1-3: A Spy Under The Skirt
Reply #1 on: 8:22 pm Friday, June 21, 2019

Three: A Family Of Traitors
3: A Spy Under The Skirt

The CCP's Army entered Shanghai in 1949.

The food factory where Jiang Ze-min worked was, at that time, renamed, Yi  Min, Number One FoodStuff Factory.

The CCP cadre who made an inspection of the factory was Wang Daohan.

Jiang Ze-min happened to learn that Wang Daohan was formerly a subordinate of his uncle, Jiang Shang-qing.

He promptly stated that he was Jiang Shang-qing's foster son, playing his best card.

Wang Dao-han believed Jiang Ze-min's word.

He decided at once to promote Jiang Ze-min.

Jiang Zemin's tactical advance succeeded.

Wang Daohan promoted Jiang Ze-min first to Deputy Director of Shanghai Soap Factory, and then to Chief of Electrical Machinery Section of Shanghai Number Two Design Division of the First Ministry of Machinery Industry.

In Nov. 1954, Jiang Ze-min was transferred to Number One Auto-manufacturing Works in Changchun City, Jilin Province.

In March of 1955, he traveled to Moscow as twelve technical staff for his training.
By staying there he came to realize that the history of the Soviet Union, as then told, was a complete lie, entirely falsified as to fit Stalin's needs.

Stalin had managed to stay in power through concrete practical worship of himself, suppression, and deception until his death.

The value of the artifice and its devices emblazoned itself deeply in Jiang Zemin's mind over and over.

He pondered the man.

During his stay in the Soviet Union, Jiang Ze-min tried his best to maintain good relations with all types.

He performed music, sang songs, told jokes, and sought the limelight whenever it may have been the setting.

In 1955, Sino-Russia relations took a turn for the worse.

Each began to train spies recruited from the adversary nation.

The Soviet Union's intelligence service began to pay attention to Jiang Ze-min.

They thought that as someone well educated, he must hail from a prominent family with massive wealth.

Thus the KGB searched the archive for Jiang Zemin's dossier.
The CCP has yet to investigate the experiences of Jiang Shi-jun and Jiang Ze-min, two generations of traitors, who collaborated with the Japanese forces.

The reason is that, in fact, the CCP loves the Japanese and their invasion. And it's Mao Ze-dong himself who said at (1959) Lu Shan Plenum that, the CCP's task, during the War Of Resistance with Japan, was to cooperate with the Japanese Army, by helping attack soldiers and civilians that were opposing Japan.

The CCP could not have seized power, had the Japanese Imperial Army failed to invade more than half of China's territory.

In 1945 the Soviet Red Army entered Northeastern China and found the complete files of Kenji Doihara's special agent system.

Surely the files include documents and photos of the Young Leader Training Sessions with Jiang Zemin's records.

And Jiang Zemin's traitor boss, Li Shiqun, was in Soviet.

And he confirmed that Jiang Ze-min was indeed one of his agents and worked for the Japanese.

KGB then assigned an undercover mistress, Clava, to seduce Jiang Ze-min.

Jiang Ze-min threw himself into the bosom of the beautiful Clava.

While he was deeply immersed in his affairs with Clava, on one occasion, his Russian mistress whispered softly his former boss's name, Li Shiqun, into Jiang's ear.

Jiang Ze-min was shocked beyond measure.

KGB then quickly moved in while Jiang was off balance.

They gave Jiang a sum of money, promised not to disclose his treacherous past and assured him that, he could continue to join the company of Clava before returning to China, on one condition, that is, for Jiang to join the Far East Bureau of the KGB, to gather intelligence on Chinese students living in the Soviet Union, as well as provide certain information regarding China.

After Stalin's death, Khrushchev issued a confidential report in which Stalin's monstrous crimes were systematically disclosed.

The contents of the document spread quickly throughout the Soviet Union.

The public was enraged upon learning that Stalin had slaughtered tens of millions of his own people.

In no time the streets were littered with shredded images of Stalin and pulverized bronze statues once in his likeness.

Stalin worship took a complete about-face.

With this drastic turn of events, Jiang Ze-min came to realize, even more so, how terrible it would be if his own past is made known.

As the overthrow of formerly enshrined Stalin, stood to remind the Chinese people of their own worship of Mao Ze-dong, the CCP grew to fear that Chinese living in the Soviet Union would be negatively affected by this new turn of events.

All Chinese, then in the Soviet Union, save for diplomatic envoys, were ordered to return to China immediately.

Never had Jiang Ze-min considered how to maintain power, should it one day be in his possession, the Soviet served as his teacher.

Jiang Ze-min did indeed continue to work for the KGB upon returning to China from Moscow.

The government of the Soviet Union kept its promise and didn't make the same mistake, as had Stalin in the nineteen fifties when he betrayed party official, Gao Gang, then head of CCP in Northeastern China.

Jiang Zemin's KGB identity was never revealed.

After the Soviet Union was dismantled, Jiang dared even less to slight or to refuse Russia.
Even just a subtle hint dropped by Russian figures, be it Yeltsin or former KGB member Putin, proved enough to keep a nervous Jiang Ze-min awake at night for days.

This explained why even in the absence of the Soviet Union, Jiang Ze-min was every bit as quick to betray China as before.

In May of 1991, Jiang Ze-min visited the Soviet Union, as the People's Daily reported, Jiang Ze-min was full of tears upon meeting with old acquaintances at Likhachev Automobile-Works.

But as one insider later disclosed, what actually happened was that a woman caught sight of Jiang Ze-min, and greeted him loud: "Hello! My darling!"

She was none other than Clava, the woman Jiang Ze-min had fallen so deeply for years before.

Arranging such a chance encounter was easy for the KGB.

All went according to plan, with Jiang Ze-min reliving old memories with his lover during the visit.

Upon returning to China, a charmed Jiang Ze-min signed an agreement, concerning the eastern section of the Sino-Soviet border, which ceded gratuitously more than one million square kilometers of Chinese territory to Russia.

Of course, at that time, little could Jiang Ze-min have imagined that, in but few months, the Soviet Union, the world's first communist nation, would collapse overnight!


Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
2-1:A Self Made “Foster Son”
Reply #2 on: 8:23 pm Saturday, June 22, 2019


Two: Anything For Political Gains

1: A Self Made "Foster Son"

Jiang Ze-min’s  uncle, Jiang Shang-qing, only 15 years his senior, was a CCP member, and was killed in gunfight, in 1939, survived by his wife, Wang Zhe-lan, and two daughters, Jiang Ze-ling, and Jiang Ze-hui

Jiang Ze-min, aspiring to climb the Communist Party ladders, from day one would write the name ”Jiang Shang-qing” when filling out forms asking the name of his father, claiming that he was adopted by his uncle when he was little. Jiang Ze-min thus audaciously transformed himself from an offspring of a traitor into the son of a revolutionary martyr!

Then he began visiting his aunt from time to time. Never did he visit with empty hands, however.  Jiang Ze-min always brought gits, pleasantly surprising both mother and daughters. People have feelings, and as such, are naturally prone to feigning naivety, while others might wish it. And in this instance, Jiang Ze-min’s lies about his parentage, stood only to benefit Wang Zhe-lan and her family.

A martyr’s family background alone would benefit him little. He needed the patronage of certain high ranking officials, in order to advance further, politically. It’s for this reason that Jiang Ze-min began to seek out senior communists affiliated, in the past, with Jiang Shang-qing.  Jiang Ze-min was thrilled to learn that Vice-Premier of the State Council, Zhang Ai-ping, was his uncle’s friend, and discovered that Zhang Ai-ping loved calligraphy. He came up with an idea that would cater to Zhang Ai-ping’s likes.

Once, at the end of a meeting, Zhang Ai-ping heard some called from behind:”Vice-Premier Zhang!” He turned and discovered that it’s Jiang Ze-min, the Deputy Director of China’s Import and Export Commission. “Do you still remember Jiang Shang-qing? He was my foster father.” So startled was Zhang Ai-ping by the sudden and outlandish remark that he was rendered speechless.

Jiang Ze-min sought the honor of General Zhang’s handwriting, wishing to place it on Jiang Shang-qing’s new tome stone. The scheme was so effective that it not only evoked tears from Wang Zhe-lan and her two daughters, but further convinced Zhang Ai-ping that Jiang Ze-min was, indeed, his best friend’s adopted son!

In the early period of the War of Resistance against Japan,  or the period of co-operation between the Communists and the Nationalists, as it’s also called, Jiang Shang-qing was Wang Dao-han’s immediate superior, and promoted Wang.  After Jiang Ze-min learned of the connection between the two, he kept close to Wang Dao-han, and addressed him “Benevolent Teacher” every time talking to him.

With Wang Dao-han’s guidance and support, Jiang Ze-min’s political career was smooth and uneventful. And yet, after he gained the supreme power in China, he travelled to Shanghai to see all of his patrons, except for Wang Dao-han. For this, he was harshly rebuked in Shanghai as “a mean fish with no conscience”.

However, he could not ingratiate himself with Zhao Zi-yang, the Party’s Secretary General at the time, in spite of all his roundabout ways. Then he attempted to get to know Zhao’s secretaries. General Hong Xue-zhi, a former military leader, was from Anhui Province. Jiang Ze-min let it be known to Hong Xue-zhi that he himself, too, was from Anhui, and hence shared the same hometown. Tailoring his words however stand to benefit him is the hallmark of Jiang Ze-min’s political life.

Jiang Ze-hui said, after her father, Jiang Shang-qing, died, “our family had little to eat, sometimes had no food at all.” Jiang Shang-qing died as a communist bandit. The last thing Jiang Shi-jun wanted was any involvement with the communist bandit’s family. How could he instead offer to send his son to a dead communist for adoption? Jiang Ze-min was both the eldest son and the eldest grandson in the Jiang Family. According to  Chinese tradition and rules of inheritance, neither the eldest son nor the eldest grandson can be put up for adoption.

When the team of writers, appointed by Jiang Ze-min, found inconsistencies in his family background, a panicked Jiang Ze-min compensated by using his political power to convince the public that he had been adopted by his martyred uncle, Jiang Shang-qing, at the age of 13!

A slews of memoirs and biographies were issued cementing the claim. Perhaps most absurd was one article, in the "Life of CCP’s Guangdong Branch", by Jiang Ze-min’s close follower, and Guangdong Party Chief, Li Chang-chun. Circulation of that issue reached nearly two million, emphatically driving home the message that Jiang Ze-min was the martyr’s foster child.

At the CCP’s 16th Congress in Nov. of 2002, Li Chang-chun, the man credited with issuing the phony account of Jiang’s past, was promoted to membership in the CCP’s elite Standing Committee of the Politburo.

One year later, on Nov. 29, 2003, reported that, on the opinion of a steering office responsible for supervising the party and  the government newspapers and publications, the "Life Of CCP’s Guangdong Branch" was taken out of circulation!

Post Merge:  8:16 pm Sunday, June 23, 2019

Two: Anything For Political Gains

2: A Bargaining Cuckold

Wang Ye-ping graduated from Shanghai Foreign Language Institute. She is Wang Zhe-lan’s niece. After Jiang Ze-min transferred from the Japanese puppet Central University to Shanghai Jiao Tong University, he visited her family and somewhat liked her, though neither of the two thought much of it at the time. In 1949 when it’s obvious that the CCP would soon seize power, Jiang Ze-min was struck by an idea and began pursuing Wang Ye-ping. Jiang Shi-jun regarded his brother Jiang Shang-qing as communist bandit, and after the brother got killed, never gave Wang Zhe-lan’s family any financial help. When Wang Zhe-lan saw Jiang Ze-min and her niece were dating, she didn’t realize that what Jiang Ze-min wanted was the glory of the son of revolutionary martyr. She thought that Jiang Ze-min was different from his cold-hearted, disloyal father. She was pleased about their relationship.

In December of 1949, Jiang Ze-min swiftly married Wang Ye-ping.

In 1956, soon after Jiang Ze-min returned to Changchun from the Soviet Union, his wife, Wang Ye-pin, and their two young sons moved from Shanghai to Changchun.  He first became the head of the department, and then was promoted to deputy director and concurrently the party branch secretary. In terms of technical skills, his colleagues knew that he wasn’t good at his job. Jiang Ze-min’s forte was not so much resolving technical problems, as accompanying delegations visiting the plant.

But he was good at something, talking. His talent was concentrated in his mouth. His relationship with the Soviet experts at the plant was most collegial, reaching new highs  whenever Russian folk songs came into play. His colleagues thus gave him, in jest, a foreign sounding nickname “Kericon”, a name suggestive of the times. Kericon is a character in a Russian novel, who makes falsy, exaggerated and empty statements, being a person ever keen on doing things for his own gains. Upon assuming any real work, his imcompetent is exposed. The nickname “Kericon” not only suited Jiang’s personality, but was also be fitting the standards the CCP used to promote people.

During Mao Ze Dong’s Great Leap Forward, exaggerating and lying reached a peak. In the automobile industry, within half a year, more than 200 types of automobiles were said to have been designed and manufactured. Moreover, the CCP claimed that advanced technologies were put into the new vehicles. China’s auto-industry was said to be advancing rapidly, and surpassing other countries.

One of the more advanced auto-mobile was allegedly created by Jiang Ze-min and his co-workers. The new auto-mobile employed a wooden air pump, and, a bamboo body.  Of course, Jiang Ze-min knew that his group’s inventions were not much use, but one thing, he understood perfectly, was that only by doing so could he keep in step with the Party and continue to rise through the ranks.   

The Great Leap Forward brought about economic disasters and horrible famine that spread to the entire country. Some entire households and villages starved to death. In many areas where the famine was particularly severe, people even ate other people’s children. Experts estimated that from 1959 to 1961, between 20 and 50 million people died due to starvation.

During the Great Leap Forward, Jiang Ze-min’s lying suited the Party’s taste and got himself promoted to the head of the branch. Therefore his family was not affected by the famine at all, instead they lived quite well. However, Wang Ye-ping was not happy. She blamed Jiang Ze-min for moving the family to such an icy frigid place. She loved to dress beautifully, but here she had to wrap herself in a heavy thick cotton jacket and cotton quilted pans most time of the year.

In addition, after Jiang Ze-min returned from the Soviet Union, he was missing the beautiful spy Clava. He was seldom home. Upon getting off work, he often went to sing and dance with the Soviet experts. Wang Ye-ping was left at home alone to take care of the two children. She could feel that Jiang Ze-min’s heart seemed left behind somewhere in the Soviet Union. Whenever asked about his life in the Soviet, Jiang Ze-min always responded evasively and kept his lips sealed. This made her only more suspicious and resentful.

She couldn’t talk about her suspicion to others, of course, but one time she couldn’t help but pour her heart out to the director of the second branch. Today many people find Wang Ye-ping’s appearance to be rather lacklustre like an owl, but back then Wang Ye-ping was one of the three beauties at the plant, being noticeably pretty. Having received a warm consolation from the director, she thought of a way to heal her emotional wounds, having an affair with the man.

Bad news travels fast. But when Wang’s affair was exposed, she kept doing things her way no matter what others said. At that time, rumors about the affair were the main topics of gossip at the factory. In public, Jiang Ze-min pretended not to know, but at home the couple quarrelled badly.

Jiang Ze-min hated to leave prosperous Shanghai, but looking at things from a long term perspective, he expected that moving to Changchun would eventually pay dividends and get himself further promoted by Wang Dao-han.  And now, the affair gave him an excuse to make demand. Jiang came to Wang Dao-han asking to transfer to a different location. His most compelling reason was “ Now that everyone knows my wife has been having an affair, How can I run things here?” Wang Dao-han, having once been promoted by Jiang Shang-qing, was deeply sympathetic to the plight of the adopted son of the deceased man.

So in 1962, Wang Dao-han assigned Jiang Ze-min to the post of deputy director of the Shanghai Electrical Research Institute under the First Ministry of Machinery Industry. Seeing that the deputy minister, Wang Dao-han, had personally helped to place Jiang, the subordinates were especially attentive,and assigned Jiang Ze-min a nice and spacious two bedroom apartment.

From this experience, Jiang Ze-min appreciated even more the power of political authority. From that point on, he was even more mindful of pleasing Wang Dao-han. Jiang Ze-min’s career was extremely smooth, thanks to Wang Dao-han’s personal attention. He was not only glad that uncle Jiang Shang-qing was once a CCP official, but also that he had died so early in life.  Otherwise, given uncle Jiang Shang-qing’s relationship with Jiang Ze-min’s father Jiang Shi-jun, no one would have helped Jiang Ze-min get anywhere, as the son of a traitor.

Podcast 2
« Last Edit: 8:16 pm Sunday, June 23, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
2-3: “Braggart Jiang”
Reply #3 on: 8:23 pm Monday, June 24, 2019

Two: Anything For Political Gains
3: “Braggart Jiang”

In 1966, Jiang Ze-min was 40 years old. Mao Ze Dong launched the Cultural Revolution, in hope of regaining dictatorial power over the Party, power which he felt had fallen into the hands of Liu Shao Qi. Mao incited students and workers at the lowest levels to revolt and seize power. Within a short time, nearly everyone who had been in power was attacked, denounced, or even detained, and tortured.

In May of that year, Jiang Ze-min was appointed director, and acting Party secretary of the Wuhan Institute of Thermodynamic Engineering. The appointment made Jiang Ze-min a 13 grade cadre, that is, he was vaulted into an elite circle of senior CCP cadres. The truth is, Jiang Ze-min was terribly frightened during the Cultural Revolution. He feared that he would be investigated, exposed, and criticized, and worried that his shady past during the time of Japanese occupation would be discovered. Jiang Ze-min went first to Beijing, then on to Shanghai for several weeks to inquire about the political climate. He repeatedly rejoined Wang Ye-ping:”Don’t say anything!”

Wang Ye-ping advised Jiang Ze-min, to intentionally deviate from the Party line, on a few trivial issues, so as to divert the rebels’ attention from the large ones. Since he had been transferred there only recently, people could find little to criticize him about. Jiang Ze-min was not much affected. Jiang Ze-min took the attitude of admitting to all minor mistakes, while denying wrong doings when it came to important matters.

When the masses criticized him for not doing solid work, only doing a lot of boasting, he criticized himself saying:”You are right, I’m braggart Jiang!” Jiang Ze-min had been influenced by actors in Yangzhou City since as early as his childhood. He always has a comb in his pocket, and would often take out to groom himself, even in other’s company. He felt good about himself, despite being somewhat effeminate.

When the populace was criticizing the capitalist roaders, they pointed out that Jiang Ze-min had a small comb, and a big head, and a bourgeoisie attitude. Jiang Ze-min immediately admitted to it.

In 2003, during the National People’s Congress, Jiang Ze-min told the delegation from Hubei Province:” The rebels asked me what I fear the most. I answered that I fear Chairman Mao the most. And for saying that, I was publicly criticized for 3 days.” If he was guilty free, why would he fear Chairman Mao? At that time, people couldn’t love Chairman Mao enough.

Back then, the political investigation personnel poked everywhere to investigate, and dig things out. Even things that had transpired decades before, were exposed. But Jiang Ze-min was never toppled, since he had a golden status of being a martyr’s foster son. The martyr was dead, so was the investigation.

In 1969, martyr’s foster son Jiang Ze-min went through the political investigation quickly, without incident, and was first sent to a May Seven Cadre School to work, and to be tempered.  Soon after that, he was sent to Beijing in 1970, and was appointed deputy director of the foreign affairs bureau, under the First Ministry Of the Machinery Industry.

At the time, the CCP was extremely isolated in the international arena. Both super powers, the US and the Soviet  became threatening enemies of the CCP. China and the Soviet Union, two communist countries, had border conflicts, and fiercely fought a few times along their borders. In order to get out of the predicament of isolation,the CCP tried hard to bring several small communist countries over to its side. The CCP decided to send some people to Romania to help facilitate industrial buildup.  Zhou Enlai met with the group.

Zhou was a CCP figure who managed to remain standing, no matter how the political climate changed. He was involved, from behind the curtain, in all of the political movements launched by the CCP, charming on the outside, but cruel on the inside. After the meeting, Zhou En-lai thought highly of Jiang Ze-min, and made him the group’s leader. After he returned to China in 1972, he was promoted to director of the foreign affairs Bureau, a position he would hold for 8 years.

The bureau was a good place to be though. In the nineteen seventies, when goods of any type were hard to come by, those who had some connections with foreign affairs, had access to desirable items. Jiang Ze-min took advantage of his position, and would every now and then send some gifts to his superiors. He tried to please people anyway he could, catering to everyone. His eldest son, Jiang Mian-heng, was able to make it into Fudan University, thanks to his frequent provisions of hot commodities to the leaders.

At that time, Wang Dao-han was in a bad predicament. Jiang Ze-min figured that investment should be looked at in terms of long run. With Wang Dao-han’s qualifications, records of service, and status in the CCP, he had a great chance of making a comeback. Therefore, Jiang Ze-min hurried to Wang Dao-han’s home, upon returning from Romania with a full load. He brought things such as milk powder and candy, amounting to a rather sizable treat for Wang’s family.

The team who wrote Jiang Ze-min’s biography, sought out his accomplishments of some sort, but could not find any. The consensus is, one can’t say that Jiang Ze-min did not work hard, or was unmotivated. He did well in adapting to the times, and keeping pace with his superiors. According to the wife of a deceased director, Jiang Ze-min’s own reference, her husband used to say, Jiang Ze-min would exaggerate his achievements, and make something out of nothing.

Jiang  Ze-min was average at his job,  and had no merits to speak of, but frequently studied the Works Of Corruption In Officialdom, and deeply understood that, under the CCP’s rule, only by being opportunistic, boasting, and flattering one’s superiors, a person could sail through, and meet with political success. During each of the political movements that Jiang Ze-min experienced, it was always the case, that he would falsely accuse somebody, and make people suffer.

Post Merge:  8:18 pm Tuesday, June 25, 2019

Two: Anything For Political Gains
4: Flip-flopping Social Climbing

In 1976, there was a terrible earthquake in Tangshan, hundreds of thousands of lives were lost. In the same year, the CCP’s three big guns, Zhou En-lai, Zhu De, and Mao Ze Dong died one after another. In Sept., soon after Mao died, Ye Jian-ying went against what Mao asked of him before his death, and collaborated with Wang Dong-xing, and Hua Guo-feng, and initiated a coup d’etat. Jiang Ze-min turned fifty, in that year.

Vice-Chairman of the CCP, Wang Hong-wen, member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo, Zhang Chun-qiao, members of the Politburo of the CCP Central Committee, Jiang Qing, and Yao Wen Yuan, the so-called “Gang Of Four”, were arrested.  Though Jiang Qing was Mao’s widow, she was, even before Mao’s corpus turned cold, made a political prisoner, along with nephew Mao Yuan-xin. The perpetrators did so under the auspices of following Mao’s political lines. It was illustrated of the saying, no CCP leader has a good ending. 

Shanghai had been the Gang Of Four’s home turf by that time. In order to control Shanghai more effectively, a central working group was sent in. Since Jiang Ze-min had worked in Shanghai before, he was temporarily made a member of the working group, and accompanied the group to Shanghai.

When the working group entered Shanghai, the military force there, who numbered more than 30 thousands, were ordered to ride in a few hundred vehicles, and marched throughout the city. They shouted in unison:”Overthrow the Gang Of Four!” Driven by college students, the long oppressed Shanghai people took to the streets, and cheered the overthrow of the Gang of Four. Jiang Ze-min was overwhelmed by the welcome that the central working group received from the people of Shanghai. Before long, the working group was no longer needed.

Jiang Ze-min reluctantly returned to Beijing, and resumed his office as director of the Foreign Affairs Bureau in the First Ministry of Machinery Industry. He had got something of a high, from the experience in the working group of the Central Committee, the sense of power, he felt like a regal delegate, and the satisfaction, of having everyone asked for his approval. Jiang Ze-min was determined to continue to rise through the ranks.

Jiang Ze-min didn’t place his bet right every time though. In 1978 Jiang Ze-min hedged a wrong bet.  He didn’t expect Deng Xiao-ping to return to power, because he had made speeches, that strongly criticized Deng Xiao-ping, during the Criticize Deng, and Fight the Rightists’ Reversal Attempts Movement in 1975. He almost was categorized as one of the three kinds of people, a stinging label, that would spell political downfall. His political career met with obstacles.

In 1979, the central leadership formed a state administration, on import and export affairs, and a state administration, on foreign investments, both chaired by Gu Mu. Wang Dao-han was one of the vice chairmen. In 1980, Wang Dao-han was appointed Mayor of Shanghai. He strongly recommended Jiang Ze-min to Gu Mu. Jiang Ze-min’s career suddenly gained momentum. He landed the position of deputy director for both the State Administration On Import And Export Affairs, and the State Administration On Foreign Investments. This rank was at the deputy minister level.

At that time, the conflict between the pro-reform camp and the conservative one was still quite intense. Jiang Ze-min changed his opinion depending on the circumstances, leaning to the left one moment, then to the right the next. Ruan Ning, secretary of the former CCP General Secretary Hu Yao-bang, recalled about Jiang Ze-min:”He said a lot of empty words, a lot of ambiguous things. He struck me as someone who was good at bureaucracy, and flip flopping, depending on whoever was in power.”

Lucky for Jiang Ze-min, before the final moment arrived, he saw that the reformers were winning, and didn’t hedge the wrong bet. Thanks to the promotion and  lobbying by Jiang Shang-qing’s connections,Wang Dao-han and Zhang Ai-ping, in March of 1982, the then 56 years old Jiang Ze-min, was appointed Minister of Electronics Industry, in the same year, at the CCP’s 12th National Congress, he became a member of the CCP Central Committee.

Jiang Ze-min didn’t work very hard, but was keen on building connections with high ranking officials. He spent a lot of time trying to meet and visit central government and ministry level officials. He also made himself popular among the grown-up children of the former top leaders. Jiang Ze-min carried a small notebook with him wherever he went. In the notebook he wrote down the birthdays, interests, and hobbies of the leaders and their relatives, that were useful to him. He would study them whenever he had time.

Taking advantage of his position, Jiang Ze-min often in person brought large screen televisions, and other expensive imported electronics to the homes of high ranking officials. In front of the most influential figures, he would even kneel down on the ground, to set up TV channels for them, so that this big shot Party boss would say: “This man is very dependable in his work!”

In 1989, Jiang Ze-min visited Deng Xiao-ping’s house for the first time. The way he poured water for Deng’s children, and fetched Deng’s slippers, is still the source of laughter at the dinner table of children of former top leaders.

Jiang Ze-min accomplished little during his tenure at the Ministry of Electronics Industry. While there were enough scandals about him circulated with quite some frequency. When he visited the United States in the Nineteen Eighties, he snuck over to the red light district in Las Vegas, to watch strippers and visit prostitutes. The expenses were reimbursed by the Chinese Government. A typical senior CCP official wouldn’t dare to go so far at that time.

Later on, during the ten plus years, when Jiang Ze-min was in charged of the CCP, the central government, and the military, the way in which prostitution flourished in China far exceeded that in Western countries. The corrupted and immoral officials, supervised by Jiang Ze-min, all have mistresses. Whether openly or secretly, strips dances abound all over the country, and became the advanced cultural scenes. A popular saying goes:”If a man doesn’t visit prostitute, he’s letting the Party down, if a woman doesn’t sell her body, she’s letting Jiang Ze-min down!”
« Last Edit: 8:18 pm Tuesday, June 25, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
3-1: A Try Out Of Iron Wrist
Reply #4 on: 10:09 pm Wednesday, June 26, 2019

Three: A Mayor Of Mean Spirit
1: A Try Out Of Iron Wrist

Shanghai Party chief, Chen Guo-dong, and Mayor Wang Dao-han, deeply appreciated Jiang Shang-qing’s favors and promotions in the old days. To pay back Jiang Shang-qing’s goodwill, they both strongly endorsed the dead man’s phony adopted son, Jiang Ze-min, to become the next Mayor of Shanghai.

Jiang Ze-min came to Shanghai during a time when urban reforms were just beginning. Citizens were faced with the prices of non-staple food products and other daily basic necessities that unexpectedly rose 17% within just one year. The high prices led to public discontent and gave rise to a student movement. At that time it’s Hu Yao-bang, who presided over the CCP’s Central Committee. And the reformist camp had the upper hand. So naturally Jiang Ze-min presented himself as being part of the reformist camp. He went to a university to make a speech to more than ten thousand students. The students believed him at the time.

During that period, Vice-President of the Chinese University Of Science and Technology, Fang Li-zhi, after returning from his study at Princeton University in the United States, gave a series of speeches advocating democratic principles. In Sept. across the strait in Taiwan, the first Opposition Party, the Democratic Progressive Party founded, and 14 years later, won the general election and set the stage for political change in Taiwan.

At the end of 1986, the Party Committee of the University of Science and Technology, refused the students to run against the designated candidates for the People’s Representative positions in the elections in Anhui Province. More than ten thousand students from the University took to the streets to demonstrate.  The outcries later spread all over the country.

Students in Shanghai, requested dialogue with Jiang Ze-min, and demanded political reform, freedom of the press, and a loosening of the governmental control. Jiang Ze-min resorted to his old tricks, and took Chen Zhi-li, the Minister of Propaganda with him, to give a speech at Shanghai Jiao Tong University. He stepped onto the podium, a sheet of paper in hand, put on his thick glasses, unfolded his paper, and proceeded to speak about the achievement of the Five Year Economic Plan. The students, however, were noticeably disinterested. The three thousand plus students booed and hissed at him, and some began shouting slogans.

Jiang Ze-min with sternness in his voice pointed at the most boisterous student, and said: Jeering about me won’t get you anywhere! Let me tell you, I have seen plenty upheavals! What’s your name? I dare you to come up the podium! I dare you to make a speech!   

To his surprise, the student did get up and walked up to the podium. He took the microphone and began talking confidently about the news and democracy. Then about ten other students sprung up and went to the podium, standing face to face with Jiang Ze-min, ready to debate. Jiang Ze-min’s legs began to shake as things escalated. Most shocking to him was that the students went so far as to ask an extremely touchy question:”How did you become the Mayor?”

He smiled awkwardly in response, as he retreated to the edge of the platform. When people had turned their attention from him, Jiang Ze-min signaled for the Minister of Propaganda, Chen Zhi-li, to take pictures of each student who came up to the podium!. He wanted to take revenge on each of them later.

After the students’ emotionally charged speeches, it’s finally Jiang Ze-min’s turn to speak.  He plucked up his courage, cleared his throat, and began to recite loudly, in English, the Preamble of the US Constitution, and then Lincoln’s 1863 Gettysburg Address. The night before he had gone over each, time and again so as to commit them to memory. Then he began to rumble about how the leadership of the Party would be necessary for democracy. The students bowed neither by persuasion nor threat, remained fervent in their defiance of Jiang Ze-min, even though they have lost the microphone.

The afternoon’s meeting lasted for over three hours. As the atmosphere grew only increasingly more tense, Jiang Ze-min lied, and said that he had an appointment concerning foreign affairs  and had to leave. Panic stricken and eager to escape, on his way out, Jiang Ze-min accidentally banged his head on a partially opened door. Though the cut was not deep, it bled much. He used his hand to cover his forehead, hurriedly walked out, got into his car, and slipped away. His panic exit was for quite sometime the standing joke among students.

The first thing Jiang Ze-min did, upon returning to his office, was to make a phone call to the Party chief of the Shanghai Jiao Tong University Heh You-sheng. He instructed Heh:go to Chen Zhi-li, and collect the photos of the students from that afternoon. Jiang Ze-min urged him repeatedly to uncover the students’ names and class years.

The next day the students of Shanghai took to the streets, and gathered at the People’s Square, marching all the way to the City Government, and demanding further dialogue with Jiang Ze-min. Jiang Ze-min ordered two thousand police to disperse students by force. The most rebellious were whisked off by bus. The students dispersed in an uproar. To Jiang Ze-min the episode was taste of sweet success, success in using political might and force, to suppress dissidents.

Those students whose photos were taken by Chen Zhi-li were not in the same class year, and graduated at different times. In those days, China had a system whereby the government allocated college graduates to different locations. Jiang Ze-min, the Mayor, personally involved himself for several years, in the petty work of following up those students. He was not satisfied until each of the students was sent off to the most remote, and poverty stricken area of China!

At meantime, Jiang Ze-min instructed to shut down all student organizations and publications. No student gathering were allowed,except dance parties. This way he indulged the students with their more basic desires, distracted them from their concerns over democracy and human rights, a strategy he kept using throughout his term in power. When the student movement started in 1989, students in different parts of the country marched, and organized like wildfire. The students at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, however, closed their doors, and held dance parties everyday.

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
3-2: A Fawner With Jealousy And Contempt
Reply #5 on: 2:39 am Friday, June 28, 2019

Three: A Mayor Of Mean Spirit
2: A Fawner With Jealousy And Contempt

In 1985, Jiang Ze-min became the Mayor of Shanghai, so desperate to show off his political achievements, with so little regard to people. He managed to turn over to the central government tax revenue of 12.5 billion yuan in 1986, which was 50 times of that from Guangdong Province. As a result, Shanghai experienced food basket crisis. While the rest of the country was happy to see, at last, an increase of supply of goods, the people of Shanghai were in such dire straits, that they couldn’t buy even the most basic essential items, and had to use ration cards for many of their purchases.

Shanghai was the favorite winter retreat destination for some of the CCP’s elderly bosses, including Chen Yun, and Li Xian Nian, who had control over the CCP’s Central Committee, and the State Council, respectively. This fact gave Jiang Ze-min many chances to curry favor with influential officials, and move closer to fulfilling his political ambitions.

The CCP Central Committee’s top bosses, most have lifestyles quite corrupted from the beginning. They used to set up Zhong Nan Hai Performing Art Troops, brought in beautiful young ladies, and locked them up in there, for the enjoyment of Mao Ze Dong, Zhou En Lai, and others. At the time, almost all the highest ranking official were involved in extra-marital affairs, Li Xian Nian being no exception. He had a mistress in Shanghai, with a background in nursing. Not only did she take good care of him, she also gave birth to his son.

Although Deng Xiao Ping was the core leader of the second generation, Chen Yun and Li Xian Nian constantly held him back as they struggled for power. Hu Yao Bang’s reform attempts upset the conservative camp very much. They had long wanted to get rid of him. But it was Deng Xiao Ping who had stood in the way by sustaining Hu politically.

After the student movement ended, Deng Xiao Ping published his speech of Dec. 30,1986, called, “Take A Clear-cut Stand Against Bourgeois Liberalization”, opposing Hu Yao Bang. Jiang Ze-min read Deng Xiao Ping’s speech the day after it was published, and realized that Hu Yao Bang’s reformist idea, and the CCP’s conservative bent were incompatible. Deng’s speech was, to him, pure treasure. He thought that at a critical time, such as then, it’s imperative that he’d declare a completely identical stand as the Central Committee.

Coincidently, in the winter of that year, State Chairman Li Xian Nian came to Shanghai, and stayed in the guest house. Jiang Ze-min intended to ask him the details about Hu Yao Bang. But over dinner, Li Xian Nian told him, that he was celebrating a birthday on that day. Jiang Ze-min didn’t care much of the people’s food baskets, however, he had spared no effort in memorizing, by heart, each birthday of the senior members of the Central Committee. He was puzzled: Li Xian Nian was born on June 23, 1929, how come he was celebrating his birthday in the winter? Jiang Ze-min finally realized, it must be the birthday of his mistress, or his son! He knew he had to do whatever it took to get a birthday gift to them.

He found an excuse to get rid of his chauffeur, sneaked out to buy a large birthday cake. It was getting late at that point, but Jiang Ze-min, without the slightest hesitation, headed back to the guest house. When Jiang Ze-min reached the guest house, he was told that Li Xian Nian was attending to another guest. The guard, however, remembering Jiang Ze-min, invited him in. Jiang Ze-min shook his head though, and stood outside to wait. He was worried that others may discover what he was doing and follow suit. He wanted to be the only one who looked good. Thus he stood in the snow, cake in hand, for a full four hours. Finally, a disappointed Jiang Ze-min left the cake with the guard, and returned home.

When the guest finally left, the guard gave the cake to Li Xian Nian. He told Li that Jiang Ze-min stood outside for several hours. His overcoat was covered with snow. Li Xian Nian was touched, and said:”Young Jiang, not a bad guy, There are not many people around like that nowadays.”

In 1987. Hu Yao Bang was forced step down. The CCP didn’t want a man with a conscience like Hu Yao Bang. Whoever speaks up for the common people, poses a threat to the CCP’s autocratic control over the nation. The CCP leaders value instead people who fawn over them, engage in double dealings, and show a ruthlessness in suppressing dissidents. And they began considering Jiang Ze-min for a higher position.

After Hu Yao Bang left office, Wei Xing Wen, the Party chief of Shanghai, who was always at loggerheads with Jiang Ze-min, finally left. Zhao Zi Yang appointed Wei Xing Wen Secretary of the Central Committee’s Secretariat, hoping to dissolve the conflict. He served as the Party chief of Shanghai, not even a full term.

While Jiang Ze-min was busy showering senior CCP leaders with praise, and flattery, Deng Xiao Ping had to address the serious problems Jiang had caused in Shanghai. He had to quickly make the economic tsar, Zhu Rong Ji, the Mayor of Shanghai in order to clean up Jiang Ze-min’s mess. Jiang Ze-min was made Shanghai’s Party chief. Zhu Rong Ji was full of talents, capabilities, and charisma. Deng Xiao Ping valued him very much. After Zhu became the Mayor of Shanghai, his achievements, and efforts won the hearts of people which made Jiang Ze-min full of jealousy, and contempt.

He seized every opportunity over all kinds of trivia to severely rebuke Zhu Rong Ji, making him to endure the humiliation.

No matter how poor Jiang Ze-min’s performance in Shanghai, all the same, nothing prevented him from being promoted to the membership in the Politburo of the Central Committee, making him part of the CCP’s highest organ of state power.

In 1992, Zhu Rong Ji became a member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the Central Committee, China’s highest group of leaders. In 1998, he was then appointed the fifth Premier of China. By that time, the incompetent Jiang Ze-min had been the General Secretary, the State Chairman, and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, for 9 years.

Post Merge:  7:46 pm Friday, June 28, 2019

Three: A Mayor Of Mean Spirit
3: Censorship With A Vengeance

While Jiang Zemin may be incompetent with real tasks, when it comes to boasting, few are his match. He had naturally come to understand the power of the media. Many Shanghai publications are read all over across China. So Senior Party Bosses in the Central Party  Committee would read them, too. Jiang Zemin thus devoted much attention to propaganda in the mass media. One maneuver he made, was to place members of his clique in the dept. of propaganda. After he became Mayor, he paid special attention to the contents of media reports. Sometimes he came across as almost paranoid.

From the beginning of 1986, Jiang Zemin chaired all meetings with the dept. propaganda, as well as meetings of the senior editors, of all major Shanghai’s media. No previous Mayor has ever done this. The routine became important for him. One time, the egotistical Jiang Zemin tried to show off his foreign language skills at a press conference, by incorrectly use the English word “faces’, to represent the Chinese word” Mian Mao”. The following day, the Liberation Daily dutifully substituted in its report the English word “faces” with the Chinese “Mian Mao”, so that its readers could understand it.


Jiang Zemin threw into a rage. Everybody knows that Jiang Zemin liked to make a show. As Mayor, he had taken charge of the railway stations, where he could draw the most attention.

A water-leakage at a new railway affected his image. He went in person to the local water supply bureau and yelled at its workers. The pipe was apparently fixed on the very same day. A few weeks later, journalist Xu Jinggen, of the Liberation Daily, voiced criticism against Jiang Zemin, for giving such weight to a triviality like a pipe, while neglecting matters of importance.

Jiang Zemin outraged about the article, and called a special meeting attacking and blaming Xu Jinggen and his superior for the report. As if it’s not enough, he soon rectified and reorganized the media. Editors-in-chief and managers, who had a history of truthful reporting, were all removed. From that point on, no media in Shanghai dared to comment on Jiang Zemin.

In 1989 the country was full of discontent. Hu Yaobang, the open-minded reformer, passed away, which triggered student movements around the country, with large scale demonstrations, assemblies, and petitioning activities, calling for a dialogue between the leaders of the country and the students, to promote political reform, and have the country foster democracy and rules of law.

On the morning of April 22nd, the funeral for Hu Yaobang was held in the Great Hall of the People. President Yang Shangkun hosted the funeral, which was attended by top officials. While Jiang Zemin in Shanghai opposed to the funeral, he  nevertheless sent a wreath to Beijing as a sign of mourning.

The founder and the chief editor of the World Economic Herold was Qin Benli, an intellectual in his seventies, whom news editors held in the highest regard. His publication promoted the democratic idea, and won the trust of over three hundred thousand highly educated readers. It even had significant weight in setting the tone of the national level discussion. After Hu Yaobang passed away, the editors of the Herold set to publish a forum. Qin Benli thought the forum should hit upon pertinent social and political issues, rather than just go through the usual motions of memorializing the late leader.

Jiang Zemin sent Zeng Qinghong, the deputy Party chief, along with Chen Zhili to speak to Qin Benli to stop the publication. Qin Benli held his ground.

Jiang Zemin became desperate, and enlisted Wang Daohan behind him. He demanded of Qin Benli, in severe terms, to change the final wording of the publication. Wang Daohan further employed Party logic to persuade Qin Benli. By that point, however, over one hundred thousand copies of the publication had already been delivered. The publication was met with supports from vast numbers of readers across the country and overseas.

The evening after the People’s Daily published its editorial ” We Must Unequivocally Oppose The Turmoil”, Jiang Zemin at a large meeting, attended by 14 thousand CCP members, announced the dismissal of Qin Benli from his position, and restructuring the World Economic Herold

On April 27, Jiang sent Liu Ji and Chen Zhili, the leaders of Shanghai City Restructuring Leadership Group to take charge of the Herold. Chen Zhili, every bit as relentless as Jiang Zemin, followed his every order. She fired all the Herold employees, and barred all of its editors from further media works of any type.

At this time, Qin Benli had been suffering from cancer and was bedridden. Chen Zhili visited Qin Benli with a wide smile on her face. And then she proceeded to read aloud to the dying Qin Benli a CCP discipline note against him. Her intention couldn’t have been more obvious: she not only wanted Qin Benli to die right away, but also wanted him to die without any peace.

The CCP’s rule lacks legitimacy, unlike any elected government.  So it hardly can facilitate any peaceful or smooth transition of power between the generations. To find the qualified successor to rule the Party has always been an ultimate challenge. The way Jiang Zemin handled the Herold case impressed the elderly Party bosses, and made them have realized that, after all, this was the successor they had been looking for.
« Last Edit: 7:46 pm Friday, June 28, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
4-1: Support For The Massacre Won Him The Throne
Reply #6 on: 8:22 pm Saturday, June 29, 2019

Four: Villain Holding Sway
1: Support For The Massacre Won Him The Throne

On April 25, the CCP’s Central Committee in a People’s Daily editorial, condemned students’ actions as turmoil, and stated they disturbed social order. The students were further upset. On May 13, the students went on a hunger strike in Tian An Men Sq. to call for the retraction of the editorial, and a dialogue between the government and the students. Meanwhile, thousands of Beijing’s civilians, government officials and journalists poured into the streets to support the students.

The strong-armed handling of the Herold incident by Jiang Ze-min and his cohorts triggered media protests that shook Shanghai, and quickly spread throughout the entire nation, breeding almost overnight a firestorm. Zhao Ziyang frankly offered that since the Herold incident was started by Shanghai City Council, it should be ended by Shanghai City Council. His open criticism of Jiang Zemin, who was by then favored by Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, angered some senior Party’s bosses.

Jiang Ze-min in a state of panic called Li Rui, who was the Executive Vice-Minister of the CCP Central Organization Ministry. Jiang Zemin begged him to speak to his connections on Jiang Zemin’s behalf and to inquire about the state of things there. Jiang Zemin’s closest associate, Chen Zhili, told him: ” If the Central Government asks who is responsible, I’d say it’s all me. You won’t be implicated.” When Jiang Ze-min found out that the opinions of the Central Committee’s elder bosses were different from that of Zhao Ziyang, he felt relief.

The CCP decided to crackdown the student movement. Although Zhao Ziyang was the Party’s General Secretary, he could not stop the bloodshed. Early in the morning on May 19, he went Tian An Men Sq. to meet the students who were on hunger strike. He was in tears.

Around midnight, Premier Li Peng declared martial law in Tian An Men Sq. Jiang Zemin had been waiting for this. He quickly expressed firm support for the Central Committee’s decision in a telegram in plain language. the timely gesture was made before any other provincial or city leaders had responded. Making for an effect similar to when Jiang Zemin delivered the cake to Li Xiannian. his declaration, to be sure, gave Party elders the sense that we had found the reliable successor.

Deng Xiao-ping secretly called Jiang Ze-min to Beijing on May 21. Not knowing what to expect, Jiang Ze-min anxiously went meet with Deng. to his surprise, Deng praised his handling of the Herold, and stated that Shanghai did a much better job than Beijing at receiving Gorbachev. And then Deng Xiaoping told him that there was another critical task to be handled. Jiang Zemin was quite relieved.

Deng asked Jiang Zemin to detain Wan Li, Chairman of the People’s Congress, who was on a state visit to Canada at the time and would return to China earlier than scheduled. Deng had changed Wan Li’s flight route for him to land in Shanghai rather than Beijing. Jiang Zemin’s task was to force Wan Li to support the decision of the Party’s elders. If Wan Li failed to do so he wouldn’t be allowed to return to Beijing.

Jiang Zemin understood perfectly the importance of the matter. The Party’s testing him. It would be a decisive turning point of his political career. Jiang Zemin put Wan Li under house arrest presenting him with Deng’s personal letter and forced him on May 27, days later, finally announced publicly that he agreed with the Central Committee’s order to enact martial law. Jiang Ze-min had cleared away the last obstacle in advance of the Tian An Men Massacre.

On that same day, May 27, Deng Xiaoping organized a meeting with eight senior Party bosses meant to decide upon the candidate for the position of the General Secretary. Early on, Deng Xiaoping had nominated Qiao Shi and Li Ruihuan, but Chen Yun had advocated strongly for Jiang Zemin. Li Xiannian and Bo Yibo played a pivotal role in Deng’s switching to Jiang Zemin. Li Xiannian had argued that although Jiang Zemin lacked experience in Central Committee his Party spirit was strong.

May 30, Jiang Zemin was again ordered to Beijing. Chen Yun said to him that Deng Xiaoping decided “you’d replace Zhao Ziyang”. Then Li Xiannian said the decision was made based on Deng Xiaoping’s wish, ” he’ll surely talk to you again”. Jiang Zemin followed Zeng Qinghong’s advice to listen more and talk less. He thus responded with only brief answers preferring to give merely a slight bow lowering his head in a gesture of acknowledgment.

Returning to his room, Jiang Zemin quickly made three phone calls. The first was for Zeng Qinghong. He said: ” It doesn’t look like I’ll be returning”. Zeng asked nerviously: ” Didn’t you plan to on returning in a couple of days?” Jiang Zemin responded: ” I’m going to be working here. you should come here right away, tomorrow!” the second phone call was to the former Shanghai Mayor, Wang Daohan. Jiang Zemin said: ” I’d like to have your support in the future.” The third call was made to his wife, Wang Yeping, asking her to make preparations for a move to Beijing. His wife, however, uttered not a word.

Now that the final decision had been made, at eight o’clock in the evening, Li Peng, Yao Yilin, and others politely treated Jiang Zemin for dinner at the Great Hall of the People. Jiang Zemin felt like he was dreaming.

The appointed time at which the army was to enter Beijing had been delayed several times, but the outcome was a foregone conclusion. As the newly appointed General Secretary, Jiang Zemin from the time of late May began reading and approving official documents. On June 1, a new plan was settled upon, then on the night of June 4, the CCP’s field army with machine guns and tanks suppressed and massacred barehanded students and citizens.

Jiang Zemin was the key figure in the tragedy and the one who benefited most. Because of this he still wishes the date could be fully erased from people’s minds. He had been scared to death that the verdict on the massacre and Zhao Ziyang would be reversed. When Jiang Zemin departed from his post as General Secretary and President of the State in 2002, he left the Standing Committee with several rules, one, tellingly, was to never reverse the judgment passed by the Party on the nature of the Tian An Men Massacre.

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
4-2: A Two-Faced Man
Reply #7 on: 8:29 pm Sunday, June 30, 2019

Four: Villain Holding Sway
2: A Two-Faced Man

Deng Xiaoping’s children still recall the day Jiang Zemin was first invited to Deng’s residence. As he stood humbly before Deng Xiaoping, his face full of nervous smiles. Those in attendance that day didn’t take notice, having seen many a bootlegger before, the awkwardness of the sort was nothing new. When Deng Xiaoping happily introduced the new Jiang Zemin, as the Party’s General Secretary, people remained nonchalant, showed no interest.

Upon coming to Beijing, the first thing Jiang Zemin wished to do was frequent Deng’s residence. He was new to Deng’s place, and didn’t know anybody in the house. Be it in the corridors, or the courtyard of  Deng’s place, whoever Jiang Zemin met, little kids being no exception, he would tuck in his guts, standing slightly aside, and say with a beaming smile: “After you.” The show of excess, though it delighted the kids, made the likes of cooks and bodyguards nervous. They felt, this had to be a schemer.  The sense of discomfort with Jiang Zemin’s conduct, was shared by others.

It was well known that Deng Xiaoping smoked a lot. His nurse had to remind him constantly to smoke less. Jiang Ze-min himself a nonsmoker, was ever quick to brandish a lighter for Deng Xiaoping. While Jiang might have provoked the ire of several nurses, in the end, he won Deng’s heart. Usually, it was Deng’s nurses  and bodyguards who would serve him teas or fetch his slippers. This gave Jiang Zemin an otherwise rare opportunity. On many occasions, he would rush to serve Deng tea or fetch his slippers, when he spotted a nurse or bodyguard about to do so. The onlookers were left at a loss for what to do. Even to this day, the children who were present back then, joke about Jiang’s flattery.

After the Gulf War, Deng Xiaoping had a tremendous sense of urgency when it came to expanding the economic reform, invigorating the market, and using the economy to contain the United States. However, Jiang Zemin, who held powerful political positions, was strongly against reform. Having put forth so much to climb the political ladder, Jiang Zemin surely would not back down. He thought a more open society and economy, would simply make people harder to control.

Deng began to regret having listened to Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, in hastily choosing Jiang to be General Secretary. His credentials, abilities, and popularity were far behind the other candidates. Many inside and outside of CCP, considered Jiang Zemin’s reign as merely a transitional period. To push forward the reform, Deng Xiaoping had no choice but to look for other candidates. He outright and completely excluded Jiang Zemin, in his considerations.

Deng Xiaoping went to Shanghai to meet with its Mayor Zhu Rongji and size him up. He felt Zhu Rongji was a man of extraordinary talent among the CCP high ranking officials, and somebody who understood economic affairs. And he had the courage and spirit to do solid works. Deng Xiaoping promoted him to the post of vice-premier of the State Council. In the meantime, Deng Xiaoping published a series of articles to support the reformist camp.

Jiang Zemin instigated the leftists in the CCP in Beijing, to attack and criticize the reform. He also dispatched staff to monitor Deng’s speech and activities in Shanghai. Jiang Zemin himself, was busy lobbying senior CCP members in Beijing who could constrain Deng Xiaoping. Deng learned of Jiang’s veiled opposition to him, and became quite dissatisfied with  Jiang Zemin. He was prepared to replace Jiang Zemin with Qiao Shi and reinstate Zhao Ziyang.

In 1992, a special train departed from Beijing, speeding southwards. On the train was Deng Xiaoping, then 88 years of age, accompanied by his wife, daughter, and an old friend, China’s President, Yang Shangkun. This was the famous Deng Xiaoping Southern Tour. From Jan. 18 to Feb. 21. he journeyed through Wuchang, Zhuhai, and Shanghai, and delivered his Southern Tour Speech at Shenzhen.

Pushing to restart the stopped the reform wheels, Yang Baibing took a stand on behalf of the military, publicly supporting  Deng’s speeches on the Southern Tour. And in turn, the military gave Deng the strongest backing. The press all over the country published Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour Speech. The tide suddenly had turned.

On June ninth, 1992, the Party school of the CCP Central Committee was guarded so heavily, as if to be facing a deadly enemy. Jiang Zemin, surrounded by Qiao Shi and a retinue of soldiers and police, entered the Institution’s Assembly Hall. Faculty and students laughed at Jiang Zemin and the scene, remarking Qiao Shi must have forced Jiang Zemin to come here. Jiang Zemin then proceeded, under pressure from Qiao Shi, to deliver a talk in supporting Deng’s Southern Tour Speeches. He felt this amounted to a loss of face, having been forced to come. His resentment towards Qiao Shi grew only deeper. One observer at the Assembly Hall commented: ” You can see that Jiang Zemin didn’t mean what he said. On the surface at least, he had made a show of obeisance”.

On June 21, Jiang Zemin’s mentor, Li Xiannian died of illness in Beijing. So greatly did Jiang fear the prospect of losing his position, that he couldn’t sleep or eat well. He thus made a secret visit to Deng Xiaoping, and offered a deep cutting round of self-criticism. Jiang Zemin swore with his life, eyes tearing up, to follow Deng, carry out the program of reform, and open up straight through to the end.

Of course, with Jiang Zemin’s mean spirit, this was not over yet. Not only did Jiang team up with Zeng Qinghong to kill Yang Shangkun in 1998, but he also, again with Zeng’s help, perpetually wanted Yang Baibing dead. Jiang’s dislike of the Yang brothers went beyond personal grudges, to include jealousy over the brother’s accomplishments. Jiang Zemin thought the Yang brothers as an obstacle to taking credit for Deng Xiaoping’s successful programs of reform.

And his envy towards Qiao Shi and Zhu Rongji were beyond measure. No matter it was Zhu’s fault or not, he’d find all kinds of trivial excuse to push him out, suppress and attack him. He hated Qiao Shi even more.   After Deng’s death, Jiang Zemin, who is older, used age as an excuse to force the younger Qiao Shi to retire.

Jiang Zemin harbored hatred towards Deng Xiao-ping, his having wished to remove him from his post. This was not readily apparent of course, as Jiang Zemin always made an outward show of respect towards Deng Xiaoping. He silently cursed Deng for having arranged his successor. On this account he could hardly forgive Deng Xiao-ping. Immediately after Deng’s passing, Jiang Zemin began to punish the Deng’s family, sparing not even Deng’s bodyguards or cooks. On Aug. 22, 2001, the 97th anniversary of Deng’s birthday, Jiang banned the media from publishing any articles commemorating Deng.


Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
4-3: The Two Con Men
Reply #8 on: 12:42 am Tuesday, July 2, 2019

Four: Villain Holding Sway
3: The Two Con Men

After Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour, Jiang Zemin’s shaky political status aggravated his partner, Zeng Qinghong.
Zeng’s father, Zeng Shan, was at one time the Minister of Interna Affairs. His mother used to be the director of Yan An nursery, where the top leaders sent their children to.
Zeng Qinghong had been the head of the top leaders’ children. He has always been an extremely ambitious figure, with a yearning for political power. He likes power, and plays with power.
He came to believe that, using Jiang Zemin was a shortcut to the upper echelon of power.

He analyzed the situation for Jiang Zemin, as he rendered it: the Yang brothers, Qiao Shi, Wan Li, Tian Ji-yun and Li Ruihuan were all political enemies. The threat came mostly from the Yang Brothers, as they held military power, and Deng Xiaoping trusted them more than others. Yang Shangkun laughed at Jiang Zemin, when Jiang Zemin trembled, upon touching a gun, and did not know how it felt to fire a bullet. Zeng Qinghong thought that, although the Yang brother’s political power was soaring at the time, they were nonetheless, mere military men, and as such, knew nothing of political tactics.

When Deng Xiaoping, who had served in the Second Field Troop of the military, became the Chairman of the Military Commission, people from other factions, were edged out. Yang brothers had the greatest power, and as such, were the target of other dissatisfied factions in the military.
In the early years of the reform, Deng declared that the military must show tolerance. Yang Shangkun and his brother loyally implemented the policy.

In August of 1992, Deng suffered a stroke and was sent to the hospital. Yang Baibing called a meeting with 46 high ranking army officers at the end of August in Beijing. The meeting discussed whether Jiang Zemin would be a competent chair of the Military Commission. Yang Baibing mentioned that there many who opposed Deng’s reform policy, and proposed means by which the troops could, following Deng’s eventual passing, preserve and implement the program of the reforms.
Jiang Zemin was shocked and alarmed upon learning the meeting. Zeng Qinghong sensed that it’s an opportunity for something big, and that Deng Xiaoping could be used to bring down the Yang brothers.

Yang Shangkun was, in fact, initially reluctant to use military force to suppress the students in Tian An Men Square. Thus on the issue of the Massacre, there was a disagreement between Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun. Jiang Zemin thus began leaking rumors to the outside, and told Deng that there were signs that Yang brothers had betrayed him. Jiang told Deng that he was worried. After several such conversations, Deng Xiaoping began to feel that Jiang Zemin was telling the truth, and asked his followers to look into the issue. His followers claimed that what Jiang Zemin said was valid.
From that point on, the Yang brothers had lost Deng’s trust.
Deng Xiaoping was by then in his later years, and lived in seclusion of his home, notable was that he was deeply affected by his children.

Zeng proceeded to get in touch with Deng Pufang, Deng Xiaoping’s eldest son, through friends, Liu Jing and Yu Zhengsheng. Under Zeng’s instruction, Liu and Yu met with Deng Pufang, and spoke about the danger of “Yang Forces”, and the need to take precautions against the Yang brothers.
Later, when Zeng met with Deng Pufang in person, he stressed to Deng how loyal Jiang Zemin was to Deng Xiaoping, and how capable a leader Jiang was, and that Jiang was unable to fully wield power, owing to interference from the Yang brothers.

Yang Baibing was in charge of the military personnel assignments and organization structures, listed out one hundred middle and high ranking officers, who were to be promoted. After the names were approved by Liu Huaqing and Yang Shangkun, Yang Baibing presented the list to Jiang Zemin.
Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong closely reviewed the list, and thought it was a great opportunity to drive a wedge between the Yang brothers and Deng Xiaoping. Jiang and Zeng held on to Yang’s list, and didn’t give it approval. Zeng Qinghong was playing off Deng Xiaoping’s political anxiety over Tian An Men Massacre.

He then, with Yang Baibing’s list of one hundred officers in hand, told Deng Pufang, that Yang brothers had too much power, and were planning to replace Deng Xiaoping’s followers in the military, a dangerous prospect. Zeng Qinghong also told Deng Pufang that if Zhao Ziyang were to reemerge and become the Chairman of the Political Consultive Conference, it would indicate that Deng Xiaoping had indirectly admitted his mistake in Tian An Men Massacre. Were Yang Shangkun to team up with Zhao Ziyang, Zeng implied, they might well supplant Deng Xiaoping’s power.

Jiang and Zeng used various means to ensure that, Deng heard the news of the Yang brothers’ supposed aspiration to seize military power, and readdress the Tian An Men Massacre. Deng Xiaoping thought it was serious, serious all the more in that Deng had just been ill. And he realized that, he needed to do what he could to arrange political affairs after his death, not only ensuring that, the 14th CCP National Congress continuing to execute his policy to reform and opening-up, but also to prevent the Massacre from being readdressed, and he himself from being criticized posthumously. Deng Xiaoping fell for Jiang Zemin’s feigned show of loyalty, and fell for the conspiracy Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong had designed.

Facing objection from Chen Yun and Bo Yibo, Deng Xiaoping had no choice, but to abandon his plan of having Jiang Zemin replaced. He decided to remove Yang brothers military power, to recommend veterans, such as Liu Huaqing and Zhang Zhen, to Jiang Zemin for the assistance they could provide, to control the military. But Deng Xiaoping knew, deep in his heart, that Jiang Zemin was not reliable, and could only amount to a make-shift leader. In the long run, Deng wanted to select a young successor beyond the 20th century.

During the 14th CCP’s National Congress, Deng Xiaoping in an unexpected move, arranged for Hu Jintao to be Jiang Zemin’s successor. Something of that sort, arranging for a successor for the current successor, had never happened before in the CCP’s history.

Despite his astuteness and experience, Deng Xiaoping was deceived by Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong, the younger generation, and became a victim of a cunning scheme.
From then on, the Deng and Yang families ceased all interactions with one another. The sixty years of friendship between Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun, crumbled amidst the Party’s internal political struggle. Little did Deng Xiaoping realized, by cutting off ties with Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, and Yang brothers, he was destroying the regime he had labored to build. Along the way, Deng Xiaoping thus lost his most capable aids, in both the Party and the military.

Even though Liu Huaqing was loyal to Deng Xiaoping, Liu was aged, and no longer that capable. He was no match for Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong in matters of Party politics. The reformist camp suffered a total loss.

With Yang brothers down, Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong finally had their ways, and consolidated their political power. These two’s audacity and ambitions swelled.
They practiced more conspiracies, rumor-mongerings, and framing-ups, against their political rivals among the CCP high ranking officials. They would intimidate some, rope in others, attack and destroy dissidents.  Many officials were full of anger, feared and loathed them, however, few dared to utter a word.

Post Merge:  8:32 pm Tuesday, July  2, 2019

Four: Villain holding Sway
4: A Turf War

After the 4th Plenary Session of the CCP’s 14th Congress, now that Jiang Zemin indeed secured his political power, he proceeded to get rid of dissidents. Beijing had always been the target of power struggles.  Without controlling the Beijing Garrison, the Beijing Municipal Government and the Central Security Guard Regiment, a top CCP leader could never feel secure.

To gain full control of Beijing, Jiang Zemin felt his greatest obstacle was Chen Xitong. When Chen Xitong was Mayor of Beijing, the city successfully hosted the 1990 Asian Games, and completed constructions of the Second and Third Ring Roads, which considerably improved the city’s infrastructures.
On the issues of the Tan An Men Massacre, Chen Xitong suggested bold actions, and acted with constancy.
He had a very good relationship with Deng Xiaoping.

After becoming China’s emperor, Jiang Zemin spared no expense to remove anyone who had followed Zhao Ziyang.
Under the banner of “resisting an alleged attempt, by the West, quietly change China”, Jiang Zemin began purging reformers, and those who had a close tie with Zhao Ziyang.
When Zhao fell from power, with him went Hu Qili, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee.

Rather than trying to avoid trouble, Chen Xitong arranged a secret meeting with Hu Qili and Wan Li at the Capitol hostel.
A Japanese reporter accidentally saw the three together, and leaked the news of the meeting. The affair took Jiang Zemin by surprise, and triggered much anger. Jiang was afraid that Deng Xiaoping would reinstate Hu Qili.

Chen Xitong advocated for Deng Xiaoping’s reform.
This agitated Jiang Zemin. One time, Deng Xiaoping visited Capital Steel and gave a speech, in which he said whoever opposed him would have to step down. Upon hearing Deng’s word, Jiang Zemin shuttered, almost as if thunder is rolling overhead. He then blamed Chen Xitong, for failing to notify him of Deng’s visit in advance.  Chen replied that Jiang’s general office itself should seek information about Deng’s activity from Deng’s office, rather than blame Beijing. Rebuffed and angered, Jiang Zemin grew more determined to remove Chen Xitong.

Chen had reasons to believe he stood above Jiang.  When he saw Jiang Zemin played tricks and cheated his way to become the General Secretary, he was full of contempt.  Thus in 1995, Chen Xitong blew the whistle on Jiang Zemin in a letter to Deng, co-signed by 7 provincial party heads. Deng Xiaoping didn’t make any comment after reading the letter, and handed out to Bo Yibo, to let him see, what kind of a person he had recommended.

Bo Yibo was notorious among high ranking officials, for his maltreatment of others, opportunism, ingratitude, and duplicity. After reading the accusatory letter from Chen Xitong, Bo Yibo instead, grew happy, that he had something he could hold against Jiang.
The letter, he believed, now gave him means to manipulate Jiang’s power.  He could now blackmail Jiang into promoting his son, Bo Xilai along with his trusted circle of friends.

Bo then summoned Jiang to his side, and handed him the letter, not saying a word. Jiang Zemin began to sweat and turned pale upon reading the accusatory letter, visibly shaken.
He pleaded with Bo Yibo to pitch-in a few good words to Deng Xiaoping on his behalf, allowing him to keep his post as General Secretary. Bo replied that he would do his best. He then instructed Jiang Zemin that in order to remove Chen Xitong, Jiang should begin with those positioned around him.

The off-springs of China’s top officials were busy making fortunes, by way of loopholes in the current policies, while the aged Party bosses gradually lost their grip on power.
As long as Jiang held aloft the banner of fighting corruptions, the royal offsprings would swear their allegiance, so as to avoid punishment and prosecution, from police and judiciary and central disciplinary committee.
The real purpose of Jiang Zemin’s fighting corruption, was to get rid of dissidents.

In 1995, the former chairman of Capital Steel’s board, Zhou Guanwu, fell from power, owing to financial misconduct.
His son, Zhou Beifang, was arrested and put in prison. The sentencing of Zhou Beifang even prompted Deng Xiaoping to contemplate: what would happen after he passed away, whether his children would stand to become the target of Jiang Zemin’s purging?

In 1995, a case of bribery, involving secretaries in Beijing Municipal Government, was exposed.  Jiang Zemin sent agents murdered deputy Mayor of Beijing, Wang Baosen, and claimed that Wang killed himself due to fear of exposure of his bribery scandals.

Next, Jiang made an all-out effort to take down Chen Xitong.
Ultimately, what he used to incriminate Chen Xitong was a claim that Chen’s corruption totaled 565 thousand Yuans. For a leader, at the Politburo level, such as Chen Xitong, the charge was really nothing in effect. A person could even make the case that Chen was relatively clean. Even so, Chen was sentenced for a 16-year prison term.

After the episode of fighting corruption was over and some of the posts left vacant, Jiang Zemin named his sons, Jiang Mianheng, Jiang Miankang, and his relatives, close and far-fetched alike, to fill in those vacancies to further consolidate his power base.

At the end of 2003, Chen Xitong was released on bail, so that he might undergo treatment for bladder cancer.
Upon his release, Chen wrote a 50 thousand word plea letter, in which he accused Jiang Zemin of persecuted him politically.
He also accused one of Jiang’s sons, Jiang Mianheng, of having illegally transferred 50 million Yuans of state’s fund.
The CCP’s corruption has penetrated every level of the system, top to bottom. Any of its crusade against corruption was merely a pretext, a weapon in its prolonged power struggle.

« Last Edit: 8:32 pm Tuesday, July 2, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
4-5: The “Core Leader”
Reply #9 on: 8:32 pm Wednesday, July 3, 2019

Four: Villain Holding Sway
5: The “Core Leader”

After fixing the Yang brothers and Chen Xitong, Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong often schemed together as to how they could strengthen their position. Two things they identified were to win over more officials through bribery, and to place their trusted men in key posts. Jiang Zemin, in the process, discovered another useful trick of corruption: to get rid of those who don’t swear allegiance, through the “anti-corruption campaign”.

As long as Deng Xiaoping alive, however, Jiang Zemin would never have real peace of mind.  In Dec. of 1996, Deng Xiaoping, having been plagued by Parkinson disease for years, was hospitalized for his worsening medical condition.  Jiang could hardly wait for Deng to die.  The waiting was excruciating.
Two months later, Deng was pronounced dead, on the evening of Feb. 19, 1997.

During the ceremony to pay the last respect to Deng’s body, Jiang Zemin feigned a sad voice for his eulogy, wishing to conceal his true feelings. He even managed to shed a few tears for the public. To this day, the photo that captured Jiang wiping his tears at the event, is an object of ridicule.

Then, Jiang Zemin prioritized his target for removal: Qiao Shi. Qiao Shi joined the CCP at the age of 16, and was in charge of the CCP’s underground branch in Shanghai.
After the CCP came to power, he began from the bottom, all the way, to members of the CCP’s Politburo.
He commanded such experiences rivaled not even by Yang Shangkun and Bo Yibo.

After Jiang Zemin became the General Secretary, he doctored his resume to cover up his traitor background, and beefed up his credentials, claiming that he took part in the student movement led by the underground CCP in Shanghai since 1943, and joined the Party in April 1946, which made Qiao Shi, who knew the historical facts of Shanghai better than anybody else, look down at Jiang Zemin with even more disgust and indignation.

Jiang Zemin knew that he was in an inferior position comparing to Qiao Shi, and were full of envy towards Qiao Shi’s reputation and image. With Deng Xiaoping gone, Jiang Zemin believed that he was now the highest in rank, and thus others should rally around him, and that he should be the center.
But Qiao Shi, who seemed disregard Jiang, would still speak out as usual, whenever he saw things that need to be readdressed. This was a vexing matter for Jiang, giving him something of constant churning feeling in his stomach.

He Mu Du Culture Museum is a historical heritage site.
In 1992, Jiang Zemin visited there.
When he saw the logo was Qiao Shi’s handwriting, his face turned dark and long. The museum’s management was alarmed, and quickly substituted the logo with Jiang Zemin’s handwriting.

On April 26, 1997, the person Jiang believed to be Qiao Shi’s major political backer, Peng Zhen, died.  Jiang felt tremendous relief.  In 1998, a group of senior officials led by Qiao Shi submitted to Jiang Zemin an investigation report on Falun Gong, which stated that the practice and its followers were, in every sense, benefits to the nation and its people.

Jiang Zemin again struck a deal with Bo Yibo, demanded him to pressure Qiao Shi to retire according to a new age limit at 70. Qiao Shi would be left with no choice but to retire.  Jiang Zemin, however, would stay on as the core of the leadership, though he was 71 years old.  After that Bo Yibo’s son, Bo Xilai was looked after by Jiang Zemin with special attention. And Bo Xilai, in turn, became Jiang Zemin’s die hard lieutenant in his persecution of Falun Gong.

Qiao Shi agreed to retire and step down from all posts with conditions that, Wei Jian Xing would stay as the Secretary of the Disciplinary Commission, and Tian Jiyun remained Vice Chairman of the People’s Congress. Qiao’s retirement paved the way for Jiang’s personnel arrangements at the CCP’s 15th Congress. At the session, new appointments came to comprise 56% of the total CCP Central Committee.  All had been checked and approved by General Secretary Jiang Zemin and his associates.

Qiao Shi, Li Ruihuan, and Wan Li mentioned at different locations that Deng Xiaoping and the Standing Committee had agreed that Hu Jintao would the core of the fourth generation leadership. They made it known that the decision was approved by the Politburo, therefore, legitimate.
If Jiang Zemin attempted to de-post Hu Jintao, it would thus mean he had betrayed Deng Xiaoping.

And Jiang didn’t dare to go against the will of Deng Xiaoping. So, in essence, Qiao Shi, Li Ruihuan and Wan Li used Deng’s wishes almost as a time bomb to force Jiang to step down when his time was due.  The action Qiao Shi took before his retirement forced Jiang Zemin to carry on amidst what had been set in motion by Deng Xiaoping. While Jiang Zemin had forced Qiao Shi to retire via the 70 years age limit, Qiao Shi, in turn, proposed a set of rules regarding retiring at 70. That would require Jiang to hand over power to Hu Jintao after serving one more term.

Five years later, it was Jiang Zemin’s turn to face the pressure of such rules. The very same trap, that a power-hungry Jiang Zemin had set for Qiao Shi, now had ensnared the General Secretary himself.

Bo Yibo gave Jiang Zemin one more suggestion: the Party commands the gun.  The Standing Committee of the Politburo should exclude any military man. Since the CCP’s 15th Congress, all military officials were barred from entering the Standing Committee.
No more Deng Xiaoping looking over his shoulder, no more Qiao Shi sticking around as his eyesore, Jiang Zemin, at last, felt like a core leader, really worthy of the name.

Post Merge:  8:24 pm Thursday, July  4, 2019

Four: Villain Holding Sway
6: The Corrupted Fighting Corruption

Under Jiang Zemin’s reign, corruption in the bureaucracy reached unprecedented levels. The irony is that, corrupted officials have been among the most vocal in China’s fight against corruption. The Yuan Hua case has a long history behind it.

The main culprit was the board chairman of the Yuan Hua Group, Lai Changxing.  Lai founded the group in 1994, and was since engaged in the practice of smuggling for 5 years.
The value of goods smuggled by the group totaled 53 billion yuans, with duty fees invaded amounting 30 billion yuans.
This resulted in a loss of 83 billion yuans in revenue for the state. At the time, the Yuan Hua case was regarded as the largest incident of smuggling to have taken place since the CCP came to power in 1949.

During the investigations, over 6 hundred persons were probed, with nearly 300 being prosecuted in the end for criminal liabilities. In 2001, courts at several levels issued a total of 167 verdicts on 269 defendants in connection with Yuan Hua Smuggling Case. In July, before the case was closed, several persons had been sentenced to death, and executed, which was tantamounting to killing witnesses and destroying evidence.

Jiang Zemin was so narrow-minded, he couldn’t miss the Yuan Hua chance to take revenge on those who verbally made light of him. Two figures were always on his mind, one was Ji Pengfei, and the other was Liu Huaqing.
Both of them had networked with people in their respective fields. But neither cared much about Jiang Zemin.
Of course, little could two senior figures. such as them, be blamed for lack of respect towards the “appointed” core leader.

Ji Pengfei was once a heavyweight in China’s foreign affair system, a key figure in the hand-over of the Hongkong’s sovereignty. He used to hold high ranking positions, of which were included deputy premier, member of the State Council, director of the office of Hongkong and Macau affairs, vice chairman of the National People’s Congress and member of the Standing Committee of the Central Advisory Council.
All of these made Jiang Zemin boiled beneath the surface.

Ji Shengde, who was Ji Pengfei’s only son, was the deputy director of the Intelligence Dept. of the People’s Liberation Army Headquarter of General Staff.
He was on close terms with Lai Changxing.
Meanwhile, Liu Huaqing’s daughter was the subordinate of Ji Shengde. Ji Shengde never had anything good to say about Jiang Zemin.

In mid-March of 1999, Ji Shengde was asked back to Beijing to attend an expanded meeting of CMC. As soon as he arrived at the conference room, Ji sensed that something was awry.
Nobody greeted him. He was then promptly arrested, and it seemed that he would be sentenced to death.

After his arrest, his father, Ji Pengfei, who was spending his retired life in Xiangshan resort, wrote Jiang Zemin 4 times asking Jiang Zemin to spare his son the death penalty. The request was rejected. In despair, Ji Pengfei committed suicide by swallowing sleeping pills on Feb. 10, 2000.

After attending his father’s funeral service, Ji Shengde who was kept in custody at PLA’s Dept. of General Staff, felt even more hopeless than before. He attempted to commit suicide by slitting his wrists with a toothbrush handle, and swallowing more than 70 sleeping pills. The suicide attempt failed, however.

Ji Pengfei’s widowed wife, Xu Hanbing, was able to hold off his son’s execution for the time being, with the help of a few retired senior officials and official’s widows. She asked Jiang Zemin to grant Ji Shengde medical parole and was rejected.
She then asked to visit Ji Shengde 3 times a week and was rejected again. Unable to stand the grief and indignation from this, she tried to kill herself with sleeping pills on the evening of September 14, 2001, and was rushed to the hospital and rescued.

Liu Huaqing was Jiang Zemin’s babysitter assigned by Deng Xiaoping after the Tian An Men Massacre, on the ground that Jiang had never served in the military. Liu would lecture Jiang often at the Politburo meetings. But Jiang Zemin, someone who promoted Generals on a wimp, definitely didn’t want anyone to give him constant direction.

Zeng Qinghong had once told Liu Huaqing: “We can’t stop you from opposing Chairman Jiang, but it’s nothing for us to arrest your daughter-in-law, your wife, and your daughter!”

Liu Huaqing’s youngest daughter Liu Chaoying, and his second daughter-in-law Zheng Li, were the two people Liu loved most dearly. He could hardly take food or rest well after the two were arrested. After turning the matter over in his mind, Liu had concluded that he had no choice but to pluck up his courage to intercede with Jiang Zemin. But Jiang uttered not so much as a word after receiving a call from Liu Huaqing about the matter. Jiang’s countenance even revealed a hint of satisfaction after hanging up the phone.

Jiang Zemin’s trusted subordinate, Jia Qinglin was another major figure in the Yuan Hua Case. From 1994 to 1996 Jia Qinglin was the Party Secretary of Fujian Province, and the director of the Standing Committee of the Fujian Provincial People’s Congress. His wife Lin Youfang, was the Party secretary of China Foreign Trade Group in Fujian. She was accused of serious corruption in connection with the Yuan Hua Case, and could never shake the accusations.

After Jiang ousted Chen Xitong, the Party Secretary of Beijing in 1996, Jia Qinglin was promoted first as the Mayor of Beijing, and later, Party Secretary of Beijing, and even given membership in the Politburo. Jiang Zemin thus asked of Jia Qinglin to divorce his wife to make clear that Jia had drawn the line between him and Lin Youfang.

As the Tenth of the People’s Congress, and Chinese People’s Political Consultive Conference were about to convene, Jia Qinglin, who had been unofficially slated, thanks to Jiang Zemin, to take the position of the Chairmanship of the Tenth of the Political Consultive Conference, submitted a letter of resignation from the Politburo siting for poor health. Jiang, however, rejected Jia’s resignation. He said:” If you step down from the political arena, I’m finished!”

The Beijing Municipal Government gave a banquet to celebrate Jia Qinglin’s appointment as the Chairman of the Consultive Conference. Throughout the banquet, Jia kept silent, drank glass after glass of liquor. At one point, he murmured to himself: ” It’s not me who wanted the promotion.”

In the meeting of the 16th National People’s Congress in Nov. 2002, one picture, capturing the dispirited Jia sitting at his table, told what Jia felt inside: he had no choice but to be Jiang Zemin’s accomplice.

Although Jiang Zemin succeeded in promoting Jia to the highest circle of power in the CCP, the Yuan Hua case still haunted and undermined Jia Qinglin. Jia’s connection to the Yuan Hua case had become a typical example of the corrupted CCP politics. It was a constant stark reminder of just how hollow Jiang Zemin’s talk of fighting corruption really was.  Jiang Zemin intended to use the Yuan Hua Case to knock out political opponents, but ultimately, ended up shooting his own foot.
« Last Edit: 8:24 pm Thursday, July 4, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
4-7: Murder, They Said
Reply #10 on: 8:29 pm Friday, July 5, 2019

Four: Villain Holding Sway
7: Murder, They Said

After Yang Shangkun was forced to step down, Jiang Zemin was still very much afraid of him. Zeng Qinghong expressed his view, that if Yang was not done away with, he could eventually cause trouble. But it’d be risky for Jiang and Zeng to take action against Yang, while Deng Xiaoping was still alive.
When Deng passed away in Feb. 1997, 92-year-old Yang Shangkun was still in good health.

He had long been displeased with Jiang’s arbitrary promotion of generals, bribing people for support, and attacks on those who disagreed with him. Yang would often rebuke Jiang at gatherings of senior cadres.

One day in the latter half of 1998, during a large gathering of senior military cadres not attended by Jiang, Yang again criticized Jiang. He said that if Jiang as the Chairman of the CMC was to continue as he was, the military would be ruined.
Zeng Qinghong’s informants had by that time infiltrated everywhere.

Yang’s words thus were quickly reached Jiang’s ears. Jiang knew that although the brothers, Yang Shangkun and Yang Baibing, were already stripped of their military power, in the 14th National Congress of the CCP, their influence in the military was still potentially strong. Jiang also knew that he had incurred the dissatisfaction and hatred, of many people, with his disparaging attack on Zhao Ziyang, and Yang Shangkun.
The attacks resulted in their downfall, thereby affected the transfer of power to himself, in the CCP, the government, and the military.

If Yang Shangkun, who held the positions of First Vice-Chairman of the Military Commission, and the Chairman of the Nation, were to gather forces to suppress Jiang, little could Jiang have to ward him off. Though Jiang often had Bo Yibo, another Party elder, giving him advice. He had, after all, no military background or power. Moreover, Bo Yibo, who attacked Hu Yaobang hard, when Hu was down, still was reviled by many people. After deliberated planning, Jiang decided to seize upon any opportunity, to get rid of Yang Shangkun, and preclude future trouble. While Jiang plot might have been very careful, his conspiracy nevertheless, gave him away in the end.

On Aug. 3, 2003, the state-run Xin Hua News Agency released a strange piece of outdated news.
It reported that mid-winter in 1996, Jiang Zemin hosted a small special meeting, in Qin Zheng Hall of the Central Government Complex at Zhong Nan Hai. The main topic of the meeting was how to improve the temperature and humidity, in the South Wing of the PLA General Hospital, also known as the 301 Hospital.

Jiang said the temperature and humidity problem was major, for many of the nation’s founding fathers, who had dedicated their lives to the military, were now stayed in the hospital. It was imperative to concern, and take good care of them.

The majority of the Party and military elders frown upon the corrupted, and incompetent clown, Jiang Zemin. They relied on their credentials, and dared to disrespect Jiang. During many high-level internal meetings of the CCP, these military elders would criticize, reprimand, and even attack Jiang Zemin.
Jiang could do little about it. He and Zeng Qinghong knew one thing: human beings naturally come to have ailments as they age. Then, they had realized that the hospital would help them reach their goals.

For one, they could use the improvement to the hospital to play favorites with the military elders, claiming to take care of them. And secondly, the lives of these people would be in Jiang’s hands, and at critical times his control would take effect.

Indeed, Jiang’s special concern for the PLA General Hospital finally came to serve an important function. When Yang Shangkun caught a cold in the fall of 1998, he was taken to the PLA General Hospital, which was by then under Jiang and Zeng’s control. Short after Yang Shangkun was hospitalized, at 1:17 am. on September 14, 1998, he was pronounced dead.
As the saying goes: eventually the truth would win out.
Not long after Yang’s death, it was rumored widely by the general public, that Yang had in fact been murdered.
Yang’s family members, in time, asked that the Party Central investigate the cause of his death.

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
5-1: Disguising Maasacre
Reply #11 on: 8:54 pm Saturday, July 6, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
1: Disguising Massacre

Before Tian An Men Massacre, Jiang Zemin as newly appointed General Secretary, from the time of late May, began reading and approving official documents.  He was a key figure in the tragedy and the one who benefited the most from it.

After the Massacre, the days grew long and challenging for Jiang. Much is blood that stained Jiang’s hand. Every year around the date of June 4th, people all over the world express condolences with numerous photos and video footages, which had been Jiang’s never-ending nightmare.

He’d never forget Zhao Ziyang’s criticism of him before the Massacre. Zhao’s strong opposition to the Massacre, and resignation in anger served as the most pointed reminder of Jiang’s shameful road to power. Grieved by resentment, the way Jiang wanted Zhao’s living quarter in Beijing monitored and controlled, was so harsh and strict, even security staff were left baffled and reluctant to follow.

After the Massacre, almost every major media operation the world over carried a picture of a young man, who blocked with his own body, unarmed, the pass of the moving group of tanks. The man’s name was Wamg Weilin. International media praised with sincere respect, the courage with which Wang peacefully protested. Some called him the hero of the century.
Wang’s very existence itself became the reminder of the Massacre. Jiang was terribly upset over the matter, and issued a secret order to find the young man. Wang was captured and executed in secret at Jiang’s orders.

In the year 2000, Jiang was interviewed by Mike Wallace, the veteran CBS 60 Minutes reporter in the United States.
Wallace took out Wang Weilin’s picture, and asked Jiang: “Do you admire this young man’s courage?” Jiang offered a surprising reply: ” He absolutely was not arrested. I don’t know his whereabouts.” To the experienced reporter,it was telling that Jiang had answered an unasked question.

Another hero of Tian An Men protest was Xu Qinxian, the Army Commander of battalion number 38. Xu Qinxian was respected by Chinese everywhere for his refusal to carry out orders to fire at the students. Yet, Jiang, as Chairman of the Military Commission, ordered a secret trial of Xu, and enprisoned him for 5 years.

At a press conference soon after the Massacre, a French reporter asked Jiang about a female graduate student, who was arrested for participating in the demonstrations, and later was gang-raped in a Sichuan Province prison. Jiang’s reply couldn’t have been alarming, he declared: ” She deserves it!”

In his youth, Jiang had seen first hand, his biological father, Jiang Shi-jun, employed propaganda to disguise the Nanjing Massacre. Indeed, with time, the collective memory of the Massacre faded. This time around, Jiang had at his disposal, far more sophisticated technology from which to draw.
He ordered the production of a television program that would play out so-called acts of savagery by the student-demonstrators: military vehicles were purposely incinerated to create shocking footage for the program. The idea was to convince China that the army had no alternative but to fire at the students. Before long, sure enough, many, who had not themselves been present at the Massacre, started to believe the lies. Many came to think there had indeed been a rebellious uprising in Beijing.

Along with this, Jiang Zemin gave orders, that persons from all walks of life, who had participated in the demonstrations, and supported the students, or who had resisted the suppression, or abetted the civilians, all be exposed, and punished, baring none. And so, it’s that discussion and memory of the Massacre have been, through a formula of lie and intimidation, basically snuffed out inside China.

No matter what’s the explanation, it’s wrong for the tanks to chase people and crush them. That’s why the Party needed to clear up what it called”the rumor”. A doctoral student at the Ministry of Propaganda was dragged to the Martial Law Military Unit where he was interrogated and tortured.
“Did you see it yourself?” they asked. He replied: “Yes. I did. I’m a member of the Party and have to be honest with the Party. I’ll admit to what I actually saw. I did see it.”

He was electrocuted with a thousand-volt electrical baton and passed out.
This was repeated several times. At last, after several rounds, the student said: “No, I didn’t see it.” He had been a promising Party successor. However, this time, he witnessed the Party’s true color first hand. The Party claims that they speak the truth and that honesty is important. It turned out that the Party totally prohibits people from speaking the truth. His physical health was badly damaged from the torture, and he became mentally unstable.

The story of Fang Zheng is every bit as telling as it’s chilling. Fang was a graduate student from Beijing University of Physical Education, whose legs were run over by a tank and severed. He had been a record holder in handicapped games.
However, when his story in the Massacre became known, he was barred from the games.

Sixteen years after the Massacre during an interview with Epoch times, Fang shared the following about the incidence:
” I didn’t have time to duck the tank, and was knocked to the ground. The tank then ran over my legs. Tank treads have many chains and wheel gears turning in them, and I felt my pants getting pulled into the tread gears by the chains. There was a tremendous force. I was slightly conscious and could tell that my body was being dragged on the ground.

Later, the doctor at the hospital told me that my head, back, and shoulders had been bruised and lacerated. After the chain on the treads shredded my pants, and macerated my legs, I fell to the ground, and rolled to the side of the street near the sidewalk fence. My right leg was severed at the upper thigh. The left leg, at the knee”.

Important to Jiang is that memory of the Massacre be weakened, blurred, and distorted over time such that the event will not be readdressed, or the government’s power will not be challenged. In the process of hiding truth, shifting blame, and purging those who spoke of the truth, Jiang Zemin came to have decisive control over the government propaganda machinery, and use of violence.
Later, Jiang would employ similar tactics to persecute the practitioners of Falun Gong.

Post Merge:  8:30 pm Sunday, July  7, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
2: Anxious And Uneasy

When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Western countries led by the US carried out military action to conquer Iraq’s invasion.

Even though Iraq’s dictator Sadam Hussein was a good friend of the Chinese Communist Party, China was isolated from the international community at the time and didn’t want to offend Western countries by supporting Sadam Hussein.
However, during the war, China’s press, tightly controlled by the CCP, repeatedly stating that Sadam had a good chance to win, and the guerrilla warfare would be prolonged and that the US troops would be trapped in Iraq, similar to what happened during the Vietnam war.

At that time, the Western countries had imposed economic sanctions over the TianAnMen Massacre, and China had little international support. Facing a challenge as major as this, Jiang panicked, did not know what to do. Deng Xiaoping said: “Shut up and stay hands off.” Thanks to Deng’s order, Jiang didn’t need to make a decision. China subsequently abstained from the UN vote on the Gulf War.

Operation Desert Storm triumphed in merely 42 days against Iraq. Jiang Zemin was terrified. In the meantime, with the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the cold war was approaching an end. The wave of democracy had been moving eastwards, and would soon reach China with only the Soviet Union in between. In the face of heavy pressure to democratize, the red empire led by Gorbachev, looked prone to collapse at any moment. If the United States continued its cold war strategy, or carry out military attacks with its much-admired political and economic system and advanced weaponry, China’s one-party autocracy would be toppled.

The victory of US forces with minimum casualties, taught Deng Xiaoping a lot, and shocked the highest echelon of the CCP, who realized the urgency for China to arm its military with high-tech weapons. Jiang who had no military experience was at a loss. As the Chairman of the Military Commission, he had to do something, and he turned to his old boss the Soviet Union for help. He announced a plan to purchase a high performance, state of the art weaponry system from the Soviets.

Although China spent a huge sum of money to acquire them, all of the acquisitions proved to be obsolete weapons discharged by the Soviet Union, or weapons that performed poorly that the Soviet was clearing out. The warplanes received from the Soviet failed frequently. The Soviet aircraft carrier Kiev was purchased for 7 billion yuan. However, it was found out later, that it was just an empty shell for the Soviets had stripped it off all of the high-tech equipments.

After the Tian An Men Massacre, China had been luring Soviet professionals by means of hard currency. Approximately 15 hundred Soviet scientists and technicians started working as consultants for China’s military in the 1990’s.

When Jiang Zemin visited Moscow, to beef up the relationship with the Soviet Union, and solidify his political power, he tried to please the Soviets at all costs. As a result, a Chinese territory, 40 times the size of Taiwan was secretly ceded to the Soviets.
Yeltsin, an important figure for the reformists, requested to meet Jiang, but was turned down. Instead, Jiang met with Soviet Union Vice-President, Yanayev, who was against programs of reforms, and Jiang told Yanayev that he hoped the Soviet Union would go back in the direction of socialism.

A few months later at the end of 1991, the Soviet Union, despite all appearances being strong, collapsed in a matter of days. This brought about dramatic changes in the state of the world. The disintegration of the Soviet Union dealt a strong blow to the CCP, and shook its confidence.
With the Soviet Union disintegrated, the CCP began wondering about its own future.

The successful collapse of communist powers made Jiang Zemin extremely anxious and uneasy. He became so pessimistic about the CCP’s future, that he sent a message to his son, Jiang Mian-heng in the United States, advising him: “No hurry, take your time to finish school, then get a job there, and stay longer.”

« Last Edit: 8:30 pm Sunday, July 7, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
5-3: All The Chairman’s Men
Reply #12 on: 8:17 pm Monday, July 8, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
3: All The Chairman’s Men

Jiang Zemin reached the acme of power, through the bloody crackdown on student democracy activists. He felt uneasy about his personal safety. The Central Security Guard was responsible for all the Central Government officials, including the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the People’s Congress, and the Chinese People’s Political Consultive Conference.
Jiang Zemin wished to have someone absolutely trustworthy as the director of the Central Security Bureau.

The current director Yang Dezhong, hardly fitted the bill, though his qualifications were unmatched by others.
His credentials came from service to Zhou Enlai, Hu Yaobang, and Zhao Ziyang. Jiang Zemin thus lacked an excuse to remove Yang Dezhong. What he could and did do, however, was positioning as many trusted persons as possible around Yang Dezhong.

He first arranged for Yiu Xigui, whom he liked and trusted, to be the head of his security retinue. He ‘d later promoted Yiu Xigui to Deputy Director of the Central Security Bureau making him a deputy of Yang Dezhng.

After Jiang Zemin’s position was secured, in order to have Yiu Xigui become the director of the Central Security Bureau, he ignored opposition from military officials, and broke the CCP protocol, by buying out Yang Dezhong: first, to promote him to the rank of firstclass general, the highest general rankings, and then, advise him to retire. The post of the Central Security was then filled by Yiu Xigui. The Central Security Bureau was thus in effect reworked by Jiang Zemin, into something of a private army.

For this reason, Zeng Qinhong paid special attention to the Guard. In the name of training, He ordered everyone in the Guard participate in the political study sessions, the effect of which was to brain-wash the guards into loyalty not only to the CCP but also, more importantly, to Jiang Zemin. Yiu Xigui and Zeng Qinghong deployed security guards to monitor high ranking officials.

Jiang Zemin closely monitored all officials of high rank, while, ironically, being afraid that he himself was monitored.
He doesn’t trust anyone. After retiring from the position of General Secretary of the CCP, Jiang Zemin continued to hold the post of Chairman of the Central Military Commission.
And it’s through this position, that he concurrently held the post of first political commissar of the Central Security bureau.

When Jiang Zemin was appointed Chairman of Central Military Commission with no credentials, no experience, and no merit, he wouldn’t dare to slightly offend the military. Besides allocating a huge amount of funding to the military, he utilized the propaganda tricks learned from his father, managed to have several movies made, to praise and flatter the military and
in the meantime, to brainwash the public who were utterly detesting the army after the Tian An Men Massacre.

Jiang Zemin’s position in the Party was not stable at that time. He urgently needed to raise the trusted followers within the military. He inspected the Ji Nan military region in 1992, the regional commander Zhang Wannian shouted aloud the slogan: “Firmly support the Party Central Committee and Central Military Commission with Jiang Zemin at the center!”
This made Jiang Zemin ecstatic. He immediately promoted Zhang Wannian to the position of General Chief of Staff of the Central Military Commission. Then in 1993, he promoted Zhang Wannian to the rank of full general.

Zhang Wannian didn’t disappoint Jiang, he once gathered his entire personnel in the Chief of Staff Office, and ordered them to sing, in front of Jiang, the song “The Gun Will Forever Obey The Party’s Command”. Jiang Zemin couldn’t have been happier. Zhang Wannian’s flattery proved quite effective, and people soon began to follow in his footsteps, benefits in kind.

Guo Boxiong was an army commander, and major general in the 47th army. In the early Nineteen Nineties, Jiang Zemin went to inspect Shaanxi Province. When he napped for over two hours at noon, Guo Boxiong stood guard for him outside the door. Jiang Zemin took an instant liking to Guo Boxiong, transferred him to Beijing Military Region, and made him a Vice Commander. After that, he was promoted three times, at one point, became the Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and being awarded the rank of full general.

Yu Yongbo was another such figure, flattering Jiang Zemin without letup. He, in 1992, was named director of the General Political Department of China’s military, and later in 1993, given the rank of general. At the beginning of 2001, at a banquet Jiang Zemin hosted meant to entertain the entire top brass military, Yu Yongbo shout it out: “Long Live Chairman Jiang!”
The move made him something of a laughing stock, though it was not seen as such by Jiang Zemin.

Appointing general became Jiang Zemin’s way to gain allegiance. Seventy-nine generals were appointed by Jiang Zemin between 1993 and 2004. As for major generals and lieutenant generals, hundreds were made in Jiang’s era, almost as if the move was part of a casual game. Those promoted were full of mean spirit. They have little respect for each other, they slander each other, create obstacles for each other, refuse to cooperate, are jealous of each other and undermine each other.

Many of those conferred so frequently with ranking and titles, didn’t regard the designation as the honor it was supposed to be. At the award ceremonies, Jiang Zemin himself casually gave out the certificates of the appointments with merely one hand.
And they took the honor lightly, conducted themselves in a manner anything but serious. All of these very much under the veteran generals who were promoted based on the abilities, who enjoyed immense prestige, whose commands were met with uniform obedience.

Jiang Zemin’s strategy of building an army was to promoting politics. That is, the army must obey the CCP’s commands, obey his commands. As for how to command the military, he wouldn’t measure up to an amateur. One might ask: ” What sort of might could a military achieve with people of such caliber?”
A military of this sort won’t manage to win battles no matter how modernized their weapons may be.

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
5-4: The Mercenary Officers
Reply #13 on: 8:22 pm Tuesday, July 9, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
4: The Mercenary Officers

The military’s entrepreneur activities started in the mid of 1980s. The initial objective was to offset the military’s expenditures. Senior officials of the CCP were optimistic about the endeavor’s potential to sustain the military within the military. After Jiang Zemin became Chairman of the Military Commission, he took the advantage of his authority, and loopholes in the military enterprises, to gain full control of the military. Jiang gave many undue benefits to the army, allowing the military to wantonly indulge in trading, and fostering corruptions within its ranks. As a result, the military madly involved in smuggling, and the problem spiraled out of control.

The military was the largest player amongst all the contingents involved in smuggling. Taxes and duties were invaded by hundreds of billions yuan, and none of the money was used to offset the military’s expenditures. Most of it, instead, went into the officers’ pocketbook. Never before was the military so corrupted. Incredibly, all of these matters were covered up upon being brought to Jiang’s attention.
The problems China faced in the forms of pirates, gangs and corrupted local officials, now paled in comparison to the activities of the military.

According to March 28, 2001, BBC News account: The National Security Advisor of the Philippine, Roilo Golez said that the Chinese military personnel, were running operations supplying 1.2 billion dollars worth methyl-amphetamine to the Philippine every year. The government of the Philippine repeatedly sent representatives to Beijing, to discuss and protest the ongoing drug smuggling operation, by China’s military, led by Jiang Zemin.

On July 6, 1998, the North Sea Fleet of the PLA Navy, escorted 4 oil tankers smuggling oil from Northern Europe, and encountered Smuggling Patrol Boat in the Yellow Sea.
The navy fired at the patrol boat, which resulted in 87 death and injuries. Ironically, among the 13 death, was one surnamed Deng. He was the fifth generation descendant of Deng Shi-chang, a national hero in the Qing Dynasty Navy, who fought the Japanese and died in the same area of the sea.

The military used its meteorological observatory for its private purposes, forged the Premier’s signature, and stamped documents with the seal of the Military Commission’s Vice Chairman to fraudulently withdraw some 2 billion yuan.
In just the first 6 months of 1998, the military’s guns and artilleries had killed 450 custom staff, police and other law enforcement personnel, while injuring another 2200.

Smuggling by the military was a short cut for the military officials to get rich. Another short cut was profiteering from the military enterprises. Eighty percent of the assets and profits generated by the military-economic entities had been embezzled, and divided among senior and middle-level officials. Every year senior and middle-level officials had spent 50% of the entire expenses of the military on food, drinks, overseas tours, luxury homes, and luxury cars.
The total amount squandered by the military officials in 1998 was shockingly 2 times the military budget of 84 billion yuan.

Under the leadership of the CMC Chairman Jiang Zemin, generals of all levels busied themselves, jockeying for promotions, and laundering money. However, money and rank didn’t buy their heart, and didn’t make them feel secure either.
In 1998 alone, 24 major generals or senior officials fled overseas, bringing with them enormous amounts of embezzled public funds.

With time, Jiang grew afraid, however, that the military business operation would make it more independent, something detrimental to Jiang’s exertion of control over it.
Besides, the military business operations were disrupting the normal economic order of things. Finally at the insisting of Zhu Rongji, in July 1998, Jiang Zemin decided to severe the source of its income, so that the military had no choice but to depend on him for allocating funds, and would have to, in turn, obey his orders.

Just to play it safe, however, Jiang Zemin resorted to his usual tactics. He asked Hu Jintao, who was fifth in the run in the Standing Committee of the Politburo, to handle the thorny issue. This would allow Jiang to hide out behind the scenes, in case anything went wrong Hu would be the scapegoat.
Along with that, Jiang could potentially strip Hu’s successor title.

After the military, para-military police, and public security bureau were in principle disengaged from business operation, the properties held by these economic entities were divided up within the military. The greed of the military and para-military police had, by then, already been roused, so they frequently resorted to violence to resolve disputes over the sharing of the liquidated properties. Frequently fights erupted. Those involved employed guns, artilleries, and even armored vehicles, as they fight each other.

An official was punished for embezzling money that his supervisor had wished to snare for himself. The official was bitter over the punishment he received. On Sunday, April 5, 1998, when no one was in the camp, he set the storage room on fire in retaliation, and resulting in explosion that occurred at 656 airbase radar station in Xian Ning city, Hubei Province, where more than one hundred twenty people were killed or injured. The economic loss were immeasurable.

On Aug 3, 1996, in the China Air Force hangers, two officers quarreled over the uneven division of the illegally obtained funds. The heated exchange ended up in the use of firearms, which set off a chain reaction of explosions and fires.
Eighty-one airplanes had been destroyed in the explosions, and 90 servicemen were killed or injured. The directed economic loss was put at 1.1 billion yuan. The incident cost China one-sixtieth of its entire 5000 aircraft fleet.

In Eastern China, the Anhui Provincial Military Region, The Hefei City Garrison Command and The Anhui Province Para-Military Police Unit were under the domain of the East China Military Region. The three parties formed a partnership for business purposes. When they could not reach an agreement to divide the funds, the 3 parties scuffled at the Assembly Hall of the Anhui Military Region, resulting in the death or injury of over 30 military officers.

And so it came to be that, under the leadership and direction of CMC Chairman Jiang Zemin, officers of the people’s military died not on the battlefield defending their country, but instead in the throes of the internal warfare, over illegally acquired wealth. Incidents such as those described here, had occurred in all of China’s provinces, and regions. It’s impossible to narrate them all.

Post Merge:  6:39 pm Wednesday, July 10, 2019

Five: Fatuous and Cruel
5:Corrupting The Military With Sex And Money

Jiang Zemin’s so-called military ideology means absolute obedience to him. As long as the military is politically reliable everything else would be easy for Jiang. Although the military expenditures had been on the rise, its performance had been on the decline, and failed to meet the standards of the CMC.
Violation of law and disciplines remained high. There continues to be a stream of incidences such as desertions and prohibited use of weapons.

But the military, instead, spent its resources towards the vigorous promotion of a large scale weight loss campaign, for military officers and cadres. The participants were financially rewarded. Those who managed to lose 5 kilograms would be rewarded 1-2 thousand yuan. Seven and a half kilograms of weight reduction met with rewards of 2-5 thousand yuan.
And ten kilograms reduction, 5-10 thousand yuan.

Under Jiang’s leadership, the military involved itself in the sex industry to an extent never seen before. The General Staff Dept., General logistics Dept., and General Political Dept. of the PLA found themselves wrapped up in the pleasure of sex and sensual indulgence. For example, as of 1995, 15 recreation venues were being run by the agencies under the control of Third Division of General Staff Dept., employing 476 escort hostesses, all of which competed to provide high-rank officials with erotic pleasures.

These pleasure-proferring outlets were divided into three classes, top grade, high grade, and second high grade.
Top-grade and high-grade establishments were equipped with clinics with highly qualified military doctors, emergency medical units, and ambulances. Top grade class even operated Z-nine helicopters for emergencies. The development of these clubs, guesthouses, hotels, and holiday resorts reached its peak in 1997.

In the top grade clubs, guest houses, and holiday resorts customers were provided 24/7 year-round service.
The high grade and second high-grade outlets were entertaining at full capacity every day of the year.

The interior design and decoration of these venues were luxurious and exquisite. The service attendants, assistant managers, nursing attendants were all unmarried young women. Those selected had to go through political screening, as it was called, and had to go through training in culture, literary art, etiquette, and public relations.

A variety of services were provided to patrons depending on their ranks. Those holding honorary club cards, which means lifetime membership, needed only to sign their names, expenses incurred on food, drinks, and other pleasures were on the house.

All along there had been strong objections to the corruptive, lustful establishments from the CCP members and military staff. The degenerated practices were seriously affecting military morale. Furthermore, young women were committing suicide after being raped at nightclubs, guesthouses, and holiday resorts.

In the year 2000, the Central CCP was compelled to ban these military clubs, following the resolution to rectify the characters of the Party, a measure adopted at the sixth CCP Plenary Conference. Most of these military recreational services were developed in the 90s, after Jiang Zemin became the Chairman of the CMC.

Many senior generals, such as Hong Xue-zhi, Xiao Keh, Liao Han-sheng, Yang Cheng-wu, and Yang Bai-bing had expressed a strong disapproval of Jiang’s corruptive management of the military. Jiang for his part regarded them as thorns on his side, yet he feared they would join forces to oppose him.
Not daring to use hardline tactics, he used a soft approach to handle them.

Jiang planned to give every general a promotion before asking them to retire, and surrender their military power.
Jiang would then bring in his clique and take over things. To consolidate his position in the military, Jiang would batch by batch promote those officials who pledged loyalty to him.
By this means, he instituted a major blood change in the military.

In July of 2001, Jiang ordered to issue special subsidy to 332 widows of deseased senior CCP statesmen, and generals.
The subsidies were intended to silence any objections the widows may voice. Over 50 widows requested that the money be donated to impoverished college students in Northwestern China, who couldn’t afford tuitions. The remaining 270 widows accepted the special subsidies. After that Jiang seemed more at peace.

By the eve of the Chinese New Year of 2002, the Central Organizational Ministry,headed by Zeng qing-hong, had to raise 20million yuan from confidential sources. The money was distributed under the pretense, that Jiang in his capacity as Chairman, cared and concerned for veteran cadres.
It was extended selectively to those who had much power, who could potentially affect voting in the forthcoming the 16th CCP National Congress, and who had frequently objected to, and hindered Jiang and Zeng.

Sun Zi’s Art Of War says, that if the commander in chief of an army is incompetent, yet eager to show off, greedy for power, greedy for wealth, fearful, unable to keep his word, cruel, or selfish, then his army will meet with failure. Jiang Zemin, the Chairman of China’s Military Commission, upon a close look, is found to have all of these traits. As such, it should come as little surprise, the armed forces under Jiang were rife with corruption and weakness. Could such a military guard its homeland and protect its nation from foreign aggression?
How unfortunate this is, indeed, for China as a nation.
« Last Edit: 6:39 pm Wednesday, July 10, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
5-6: Fearing Democracy, Intimidating Taiwan
Reply #14 on: 8:31 pm Thursday, July 11, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
6: Fearing Democracy, Intimidating Taiwan

On March 23, 1996, Taiwan held its first Democratic election.
Along with Li Deng-hui, presidential candidates including nonpartisan figures Chen Lui-an, and Lin Yang-gang, as well as Democratic Progressive Party candidate Peng Ming-min.
Jiang was worried over Taiwan holding an election.
He was afraid of the reverberation of a democratic election in Taiwan, would stir a longing for democracy in mainland China.

At the time, Hongkong was about to return to China.
The driving force behind the scene was Jiang’s wish, to achieve something involving relations between the mainland and Taiwan, and to be credit in China’s history book.
Jiang was mediocre and bumbling at best in the matter of foreign affairs, and domestic governance.
However, with the encouragement of some old generals, he decided to teach Li Deng-hui a lesson.
The result of Jiang’s ambitions almost started a war, and scared the wit out of himself.

In 1995 and 96, the CCP proceeded to hold quite a few military exercises, missile firing drills, amphibians operations, and transferring troops from various regions, to the coastal area directly across from Taiwan. The US government was alarmed, thought the situation was serious, and deployed 2 carrier fleets, Independent and Nemet, to patrol the Taiwan Strait.

Jiang was scared. He did not dare to ruin China’s relationship with the US. Scarier yet to him, was the likelihood that if conflict broke out, the military would seize power, making him a mere figurehead as the Chairman. He declared that the military exercises were enough. Taiwan heard the news, and reassured.
The election carried on as usual.

The year 2000 witnessed the second general election in Taiwan. The Democratic Progressive Party candidate Chen Shui-bian, was leading in the polls. Jiang had been labeling the DPP as the radical Taiwan Independent camp, and constantly attack them in the media. Jiang was stupefied. He didn’t know what he would respond if Chen were elected. War wasn’t something Jiang wanted to launch. He trembled whenever he thought about it. On the other hand, if he chose not to go to war, what would he do about the nationalist fervor he had stirred up domestically. He was overcome with trepidation, every time he thought of the dilemma he had to confront.
Jiang Zemin was proud of his showmanship, but this time, though, he pushed Zhu Rongji, whom he hated very much, to hold a press conference, to deliver a hard line ultimatum.
Two birds with one stone, on one hand, Jiang Zemin shrank from the responsibility himself, on the other hand, he made his old enemy, Zhu Rongji embarrassed himself, and tarnished his image in front of the whole world.

But Jiang tried to make a show of strength: CCTV broadcasted a series called “Chinese Troops” during that period, which was a thinly veiled threat. Troops were mobilized towards the regions neighboring the Taiwan Strait, implying that war was inevitable if Chen Shui-bian was elected.

On February 1, the US House of Representatives passed the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, expressing strong concern regarding the potential war across the Taiwan Strait, while the people of Taiwan stood up to the CCP’s intimidation, and elected the Opposition Leader, Democratic Progressive Party Chair Chen Shui-bian, as their new President.

Jiang Zemin, who reached the top thanks to the Massacre, believed only in power, force, and intimidation. As a result, he suffered a major tumble. Not only was Jiang shaken by the election outcome, but also the whole top echelon of the CCP was caught off guard, and left stunned.

On the evening of March 19, 2000, the news anchorman of China’s official Communist Television News, read with sober intonation the statement, by the Communist Central Office of the Taiwan Affairs, he read: “We hope the newly elected DPP authorities will not go too far.” The vacuity of the statement indicated that the CCP was at loss over what to do. They blundered in the appraisal of the will of the Taiwanese people.

Jiang came across as much more moderate, compared with the tone of pre-election propaganda. He acted as if nothing had happened, as if he had never issued a tough speech before the election. Jiang seemed to have forgotten, that it was he, who tricked Zhu Rongji into playing the part of the villain early on.
It now looked like it was Zhu Rongji who had made a ruckus over nothing. Zhu Rongji regretted deeply for having been a pawn in Jiang’s game.

Several years later, Lui Jiaping submitted a letter to Communist Central Leadership, Representatives of the National People’s Congress, and Members of the National Political Consultive Conference.  He revealed in the letter that Jiang had been two-faced in his tactics handling the Taiwan issue.  Jiang pledged, on one hand, to attack Taiwan, hoping to gain the trust of generals and troops, thus maintain his authority over the military. But Jiang, on the other hand, promised the President of the United States that the PLA wouldn’t attack Taiwan, as long as the US supported him continuing to hold the position of the Chairman of the CMC.

Jiang barked plenty about taking military action against Taiwan, and even made gestures of an attack on several occasions.
But all of it amounted to posturing ultimately. The reality was, Jiang was using Taiwan as a trump card. He would wave it whenever his power was threatened, pretending war was imminent, and giving the troops a sense of importance.
When things had passed, he’d put the card away, and save it for the next crisis.

Zhu Rongji’s image suffered a big blow in the eyes of the international arena. What with him became a symbol for saber-rattling war-mongers. He ended up the figure hurt the most by Jiang’s shenanigans.

Post Merge:  8:21 pm Friday, July 12, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
7:”The Clown”

Jiang Zemin is nicknamed the clown. He took drama classes when he was young. His infamous habit of combing his hair in front of everybody was passed on from his show-biz teacher back then. Jiang’s passion for showboating had often reached alarming highs. He might recite poems, sing songs, or showcase his English without consideration of the occasion.

First, his hair-combing. Jiang visited Spain in 1996, in front of King Carlos, he took out a comb and proceeded to groom himself. The next day, the largest newspaper in Spain, as well as many other newspapers, run a front page photo, and a story about the incident, the caption of which was: King Carlos Watching Jiang Zemin Combing His Hair!” Soon after, newspapers around the world run the photo. Many Chinese who were living overseas felt a collective loss of face, upon catching the wind of the article.

More than once had Jiang combed his hair in front of the television cameras. When in March of 1993, the National People’s Congress was held in Beijing, Jiang, who sat at the center stage, took out his comb, and began combing his hair with such focus, that the outside world had receded from his mind. On October 24th, 1995, Jiang was giving a speech at the United Nations, faced with cameramen and reporters from around the world, Jiang, once again, took out from his pocket his comb, and proceeded to groom himself. This had become the classics of laughing stock of the world press, at the expense of China’s dignity.

Jiang loved to sing in public. In 1996 Jiang visited the Philippines. On the trip, he voluntarily proposed to stop the disputing jurisdiction over the Nan Sha Islands, and to develop an economy shared with the Philippines.
That same night, the President of the Philippine invited Jiang to a banquet. Jiang was still thinking of the charming senator, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo though, whom he just met.
At the banquet, Jiang still very much lost in his daydream, to others surprise, grabbed the microphone, and launched into a rendition of Elvis’ “Love Me Tender”.

On Feb. 21, 2002, Jiang welcomed President George W Bush from the United States at the Great Hall Of The People.
He sang “O Sole Mio” in front of more than one hundred guests. President Bush clapped in response, and half-jokingly asked US Secretary Of State Collin Powell to sing a serenade.
Powell smiled and politely declined.

During a visit to Iceland, while everyone present was busy eating at a banquet, Jiang stood up unexpectedly, and broke into a song, leaving guests and host at loss for what to do.
Jiang’s wife Wang Yeping appeared very much embarrassed.
The scene was afterward detailed completely with a large color photo by the largest Iceland daily newspaper.

Jiang loved to dance, too.
At the dinner party at the Great Hall of The People, Jiang grabbed US First Lady Laura Bush for a dance. Then, not satisfied, Jiang grabbed the US National Security Adviser Rise, and the wife of the US Ambassador to China Sarah Randt for yet another dance.

On October 24, 1999, Jiang was visiting a museum in France. Out of sudden excitement, Jiang grabbed the hand of First Lady Bernadette Chirac, and started dancing the Waltz, as a surprised Jacques Chirac looked on. Just as the alarm began to set in for the President, Jiang again grabbed Bernadette’s hand, and laughed loud ostentatiously. President Chirac was upset by the showing, thinking Jiang was embarrassing himself. French people fumed over the incident, feeling it had been insulting.

Jiang Zemin was totally lacking diplomatic etiquette.
On April 19, 2000, the President of Turkey was prepared to give Jiang a national medal during his visit to Turkey.
It’s common courtesy that on such occasions the host country’s president would himself place the medal on its recipient.  To everyone’s surprise, however, an eager Jiang jumped to the fore, and physically bestowed the medal upon himself, much to the shock of onlookers.

When in 1999 Jiang stopped by Great Britain, en route to France, he declared in English: ” The air here is very good. There is natural gas everywhere.” Perhaps he meant to say that the air was fresh, which of course has nothing to do with natural gas.  The following day, the quote was carried in the Chinese language newspapers, quickly making Jiang the butt of jokes.

Jokes about Jiang’s sloppy English dated back to his days as Mayor of Shanghai. On one occasion, as Mayor, Jiang accompanied foreign visitors to a public park. Jiang wanted to show his guests that Shanghai had become open, and that young people dared to openly date in the park. He pointed at a young couple, and declared: “Making love!” much to his guests’ discomfort.

Jiang Zemin likes showing off by reciting verses.
At meeting with overseas Chinese he would quite often recite a few lines of poetry to show off his literary capability.
Once a Chinese person asked Jiang whether he would retire. Jiang replied by reciting a verse from a Song Dynasty poem that goes: “I’d rather return with the west wind.” The answers, if it could be called that, were all shows and no substance.

In the year 2000, Jiang met with overseas Chinese at a New York City hotel, when a Chinese man asked about plans to develop China’s west region, Jiang responded by reciting two verses from a Tang Dynasty poem, which goes: “Drink up one more cup please, as beyond the Yang Guan Garrison Gate friends would be none.”

While visiting the United States, Jiang, on one occasion, recited a passage from Lincoln’s speech to President Clinton for no apparent reason.

When a head of a nation visiting a foreign country, there are certain diplomatic protocols, and etiquette. A lack of etiquette doesn’t reflect merely on the individual involved, but also on his or her nation. As the head of the Chinese nation, Jiang’s exaggerated acts, and disregard of diplomatic protocols reflected poorly on not only himself, but also on the image of China and its people.
« Last Edit: 8:21 pm Friday, July 12, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
5-8: The Hiding Turtle
Reply #15 on: 8:35 pm Saturday, July 13, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
8: The Hiding Turtle

Power is everything for Jiang Zemin. He has no regard for people’s life and properties. He couldn’t care less for the welfare of the Chinese people overseas.
And he is always a coward when facing crisis and foreign powers. This is in stark contrast with his support for the Tian An Men Massacre, his cruel persecution of Falun Gong Practitioners, and his ruling of China with an iron wrist.

A riot against ethnic Chinese broke out in Indonesia on May 13, 1998, and lasted for 3 days. The properties of Chinese Indonesians were widely looted, and destroyed. Over two thousand ethnic Chinese living in Indonesia were killed, and hundreds of women were gang-raped, some were even killed after being raped.

The international community was shocked, and angered by the barbaric attacks. The United States Congress and the United Nations Human Rights Commission both issued statements condemned the incident. Leaders of many countries, and organizations in kind condemned the Indonesian government. Media reported extensively on the riot. Chinese living outside of China were irate, and demanded that the Chinese government condemn the event as well.

Surprisingly though Jiang stated that the violence was Indonesia’s internal affair, and that as such, China’s media should not report on it. The Chinese government, he instructed, should not interfere.

On the contrary, Jiang made sure that nothing would affect his ties with Indonesia’s leader, and a large sum of financial aids to Indonesia would carry on as usual.
Again, he disregarded people’s welfare, and acted in a craven manner. Had Jiang made a public statement, or given a warning on behalf of the Chinese government, the plight of Indonesia’s Chinese wouldn’t have been so heart-wrenching, and unalterable.

On May 8, 1999, during NATO’s war with Yugoslavia, the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade was hit with 3 missiles resulting in the death of 3 reporters. The United States explained the bombing was a mistake. China refused to believe this account.

After the bombing, China’s military asked Jiang Zemin to put on his military uniform at once, and make a statement as the Chairman of the Central Military Commission on television.
Others suggested Jiang wear a suit, and lodge a protest as the Nation’s Chairman, and immediately summon the US ambassador to China. The country’s top officials thus were quickly entangled in a quarrel. The ever-timid Jiang was flustered by this. He had no idea what he should say, or to what extent he should protest.

After discussing things with Zeng Qinghong, he decided to hand out the nutty problem to Hu Jin-tao.

Jiang and Zeng hatched a rather nasty scheme, however, that would in effect kill two birds with one stone. If Zhu Rongji didn’t come to the fore on this issue, China’s angry mass would associate the bombing with Zhu Rongji’s appeasement diplomacy, and shift their anger to him. He could thus serve as a scapegoat. On the other hand, any Hu Jintao’s mistake could be reason enough to stop him from succeeding Jiang as General Secretary at the 16th National Congress.

For the next two days, Jiang was nowhere to be seen.
Jiang’s inaction aroused great indignation in China, for he was the nation’s Chairman and the Chair of the Central Military Commission. As of the third day, Jiang still hadn’t shown himself. Slogans such as “Jiang Zemin, a turtle hiding in his shell”, “Our leaders must have all died” could be heard in the People’s University of China. The nation as a whole was indignant all over.


Post Merge:  8:32 pm Sunday, July 14, 2019

Five: Fatuous And Cruel
9: The Traitor To China

As well known, for nearly a century Sino-Russian border dispute has been constant. Russia began its aggression and expansion during the Tsarist era. The former Soviet Union continued to annex and nibble away China ‘s territory.  No other country annexed as many Chinese lands as Russia.
Throughout its invasions, Tsarist Russia took Chinese lands through inequitable treaties with China, including the Treaty of Aigun and the Treaty of Beijing. Besides, Tsarist Russia and the Soviets also used force to annex area that was designated in treaties as Chinese territories. No leaders in China’s modern history dared to act rashly and officially recognize the inequitable treaties signed in the past.

After the October Revolution, Lenin once to make a declaration to return lands in China it had come to occupy. Lenin died before he could fulfill his promises. After Stalin came to power, he denied the declaration to China existed.

However, Jiang Zemin in the 1950s was sent to the Soviet to study and recruited by the KGB. The KGB sent lady spy Clava to seduce Jiang Zemin, and blackmailed him with his traitor’s background during the Japanese occupation, and forced him to become a Soviet spy.

On Dec. 9, and 10, 1999, China’ Jiang Zemin and Russia’s President Boris Yeltsin signed in Beijing the Narrative Protocol On The Eastern And Western Sections Of China-Russia Boundary.  Over one million square kilometers of Chinese territories, the size of many times Taiwan was given away to Russia by Jiang Zemin. Jiang also agreed to give Russia the Exit Point of Tumen River cutting off Northeast China from the Sea of Japan.

From the time that China introduced reforms and started in the late 1970s to open-up, Jilin Province had thought to gain access to the sea at the Tumen River. Access would have a far-reaching effect on economic development in the province, and play a critical role in advancing its economy. To hasten gaining access to the sea, the provincial government of Jilin invested heavily for several years, in improving the province’s infrastructure and conducted several negotiations with Russia.
After more than three years of efforts by Jilin, the coastal frontier region of Russia announced its intention to cooperate with China and build a harbor.

But just as its smooth negotiation was about to enter its critical decision-making phase, Jiang Zemin privately signed his treacherous agreement with Russia, the Protocol On East Section of Boundary between China and Russia. The move left China’s negotiators dumbfounded. With the Tumen River’s Entry Point to the sea virtually sealed off, the strategic plan on which the people of Jilin had pinned so much hope amount to but a pile of paper.

The treaties Jiang signed with Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Kazakhstan, the China Tajikistan Kyrgyzstan Agreement on Boundary Demarcation, and the China Kyrgyzstan Kazakhstan Agreement on Boundary Demarcation ceded all disputed lands.

Jiang Zemin ordered the withdraw of Chinese Border Troops, such that 500 kilometers borders left without any defenses.
The area for Russia, Kazakstan, and Kyrgyzstan which were left undefended, however, reached merely one hundred kilometers from the border. Russia military commentators thought Jiang was a fool.

During his visit to Philippines Jiang offered to give up the sovereignty claims over the Spratly Islands, and agreed to join the development of the islands. And after meeting the charming lady Senator Arroyo, Jiang sang”Love ME Tender” at the banquet.

At the end of Nov. 1996, Jiang visited India, and signed an agreement on confident building measures in the military field of control zone in Sino-India boundary area, setting a framework for border demarcation based on current control line, meaning that China now recognizes the McMahon Line, and had let go of 9000 square kilometers of fertile lands south of the Himalayas.

Jiang approved Sino-Vietnam land border treaty on Dec. 30,1999, which gave Vietnam Lao Shan of Yunnan province and Fa Ka Shan of Guangxi Province, lands that hundred of Chinese soldiers had defended with their lives during the Sino-Vietnam Border War of 1979. Now the patriotic souls of dead soldiers were buried in Vietnam.

The Senkaku Island, a part of Taiwan, including 740,000 square kilometers of exclusive economic zones where large oil deposits were found underneath the area. Jiang had never renounced using force against Taiwan, but when Japan occupied Senkaku Island, Jiang announced to seek a settlement through peaceful negotiations.

Jiang didn’t sign the treaties under any form of coercion or war.
Given the positions Jiang held at the time of the leader of China’s Communist Party, government and military, it can be said with unclad certainty that Jiang ceded China’s territories of his own accord, to satisfy the Russians, and cover up his background as a traitor, working for the Japanese invaders, and as a spy working for the Soviets. The CCP feared the details of the treaties being leaked. The truth would be equally ruinous for the CCP regime.

With the above said, there does remain one possible hope for recovering the territories ceded by Jiang Zemin. And that is to bring Jiang to a public trial. According to the United Nations Vienna Convention on the law of treaty, that treaties concluded with fraud, bribery and threat of force are invalid. If Jiang were brought to trial for the Chinese nation for the land treaties he handled, the treaties he had signed will not count.
« Last Edit: 8:32 pm Sunday, July 14, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
6-1: The Spread Of Falun Gong
Reply #16 on: 8:24 pm Monday, July 15, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
1: The Spread Of Falun Gong

Mr. Li Hongzhi, the founder of Falun gong, was born on May 13, 1951, into an ordinary family, in Gongzhu Ling City of Jilin Province. Mr. Li had once joined the military, and being transferred, in 1982, to work for a grain-and-oil company in Changchun City. He has, since childhood, practiced a private unknown Buddhist discipline. Mr. Li was just a common worker at the time. He lived with his family in a dormitory provided by his work unit. The living condition was rather modest.

In 1984 Mr. Li modified the practice into a Qigong form that would be suitable for the general public. He named the practice “Falun Gong”. On May 13, 1992, Mr. Li held in Changchun City the first public class. During the two years from 1992 to 1994, he held 54 workshops around the country.

To make his practice available to more people, the fee Mr. Li charged was the lowest in all of China. A ten-day workshop cost only 40 yuan, a third to half that charged by other Qigong masters. Other masters had complained Mr. Li’s low fees. In response, China’s Scientific Qigong Research Association even suggested to Mr. Li that he raise his fares. Mr. Li declined, however, out of consideration for his students’ financial circumstances.

In the early period of his public teachings, Mr. Li would typically travel with few students, and living conditions were said to have been the most difficult. Little money was put into material comfort or convenience. When he first arrived in Beijing, nobody knew who he was. He and his students spent their first few nights in the city staying in the crowded train station. Bench served as a bed.

Often he had to hurry from class to class, rushing about China’s many cities, owing to the demands for his teachings.
Often he couldn’t even manage to purchase a train ticket with a seat.  When tired, he could often sit only on the train’s floor.
When hungry, he could often just fill his stomach with instant noodles. When sleepy, he could only nap by leaning on the nearby chair or wall.

When Mr. Li first began to spread the exercises and teachings of Falun Gong, there numerous practices of qigong in China.
Phony practice mixed in with the genuine ones. Good people mixed in with the bad. Things were complicated at the time, although many people had indeed in those years gained better health from doing traditional practices such as Taichi and the Five Animal Movements. There were also many fake qigong masters who allegedly duped people. Many persons spent a fortune seeing and studying with the qigong masters hoping to be healed. Many ultimately made with no avail.

In Sept. of 1992, Falun Gong was recognized by the Scientific Qigong Research Association, as an affiliated qigong practice.
In December of the same year, Mr. brought some of his understudies with him, to participate in the Oriental Health Expo, held that year at China World Trade Center in Beijing.
Li Hongzhi’s name and Falun Gong spread like a wildfire there, quickly creating a stir. The executive director of the Health Expo, Mr. Li Rusong, and the chief consultant of the event, Mr. Jiang Xuegui, spoke highly of Mr. Li’s qigong power, and the contribution his Falun Gong was making.

Professor Jiang said this: “Mr.Li can be considered a star of the 1992 Oriental Health Expo. I have seen him created many miracles. I saw patients with pains, and patients in wheelchairs, and those who have challenges moving about, came to him for help. After receiving treatment from Mr. Li, they could miraculously stand up and walk. As the chief consultant to the expo, I’m here to responsively recommend Falun Gong to you.
I think this practice will indeed bring people healthy bodies and new deportment.”

In 1993, Mr. Li offered free health treatment to the delegates of the Convention For Justice and Courage. The Chinese Ministry of Public Security wrote a letter to the Scientific Qigong Research Association, thanking Mr.Li. Meanwhile, the People’s Public Security Daily published an article, saying that most of the model workers there had very good results, after receiving the treatment.

With the spreading of Falun Gong, numerous people were benefited physically, and spiritually. Many recovered from incurable illness, or refractory conditions, therefore encouraged family members and friends to try out. The practice’s founder, Li Hongzhi came to be called honorifically “Master Li”. In few years, the number of practitioners reached 20 million, and kept growing with robust momentum.

In 1995, Mr. Li concluded teaching of his practice in mainland China. Early that year, he went to Paris to give a class, his first teaching outside of China. While in Paris, he had a small meeting with several Chinese diplomats, one of whom was China’s Ambassador to France. He was then invited to give a speech at the Culture and Education Division of the Chinese Embassy in France. Afterward, he traveled to Sweden, and later to the United States. Falun Gong began to grow around the world.

As of January of 1996, Mr.Li’s book “Zhuan Falun” was ranked among the ten best sellers by the Beijing Youth Daily.
Although by June, the Deputy Minister of Propaganda, Xu Guangchun, to seek personal political gain, revoked the registration number of “Zhuan Falun”, the pirate copies of the book were still in great demand.

When Jiang Zemin started the persecution of Falun Gong in 1999, he claimed that he never heard of Falun Gong. As a matter of fact, Jiang’s wife Wang Ye-ping was herself practicing Falun Gong in 1994. One time during exercise, Wang discovered that Jiang, by her side, surreptitiously emulating the movement. Jiang was both embarrassed and angry when Wang had caught on him. It’s at that point that Jiang ordered his wife to stop practicing Falun Gong. He said: “Even my wife believed in Li Hongzhi, who is going to believe in me, the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party!”

In the beginning, Jiang was not against Falun Gong, and had read “Zhuan Falun”. However, what he wanted to hear from Master Li most, was details about his previous lives, prediction of his political future, and how to stay in power. Mr, Li knew his intention, and stated that cure illness was fine, but no politics.
Hence, Jiang Zemin began nursing his hatred.

Post Merge:  7:08 pm Tuesday, July 16, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
2: The CCP Knew

Significantly, what Falun Gong was changing wasn’t limited to physical health, but included moral and spiritual aspects as well. With China’s market transition, a corresponding decline in moral values was noticeable, with the pursuit of material gain increasingly coming to trump more traditional values.
Falun Gong teaches truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance.
Its aspiration is becoming a better and moral person.
Its widespread led to a more stable Chinese society.

On March 17, 1997, the Dalian Daily run an article, entitled “An Anonymous Old Man’s Silent Contribution”. The report told a story of a man in his seventies, named Sheng Lijian, who voluntarily in one year, built 4 roads for villagers, the length of which was totaled 11 hundred meters. When people asked him, how much he should be paid, the old man replied: “I practice Falun Gong. I’m just trying to do something good for people, and I won’t accept payment.”

The Dalian Evening News on Feb. 21, 1998 reported the story of Yuan Hongcun, of the Dalian Naval Vessel Institute. On the afternoon of Feb. 14, Yuan dove three meters deep into the ice-covered waters to rescue a child, who had fallen into the ice hole on the Ziyou river. Yuan was praised as a true hero. His institute awarded him a silver medal for bravery. By that time, he had been practicing Falun Gong for two years.

On July 10, 1998, the China Economic Times run a story titled”Now I can Stand”. It told the story of an old woman named Xie Xiufen, who was diagnosed with paraplegia, stemming from vertebral damage. Though she had been bedridden for 16 years, after taking up Falun Gong she was able to walk again.

On the morning of Nov. 8, 1998, leaders of the Martial Arts Association of Guangdong Sports Commission, watched a large scale morning group exercise session, of 5000 Falun Gong students. They asked the students how they felt after doing Falun Gong,and the replies they heard were more than encouraging. There were nearly 250,000 people, practice Falun Gong in Guangdong Province at the time.

China’s top officials learned about Falun Gong very early on. The founder of Falun Gong, Mr. Li Hongzhi started to teach the practice in May of 1992. Soon after, there was a sizable practice site in Beijing’s Purple Bamboo Park. Many practitioners, at the time, were retired high ranking officials. They belonged to the true older generation of “proletariat revolutionaries”, as the CCP called it. Some had even taken part in the famed Long March of 1934.

The head of the 610 Office, Li Lanqing, knew Falun Gong from the time when he used to be the Minister of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation. One of his subordinate, a Falun Gong adherent, introduced to him how Falun Gong benefits the State and the Nation, and gave him a copy of “Zhuan Falun”.
Luo Gan similarly had heard of Falun Gong early on.
In 1995, Luo’s former supervisor and colleague, at the Academy of Mechanical Sciences, introduced him to Falun Gong.

Hu Jintao, China’s former leader, learned Falun Gong in 1998. His former classmate at Qinghua University, Zhang Mengye, was terminally ill before taking up the practice of Falun Gong, and managed to escape from the Jaws of death. At an alumni union in 1998 and 1999, Zhang personally shared with Hu Jintao, his experience of recovery. He also mailed a copy of the book “Falun Gong” to Hu Jintao’s wife, in hopes that the couple might in kind come to enjoy better health.  Hu’s wife sent a post-card to Zhang, wishing to express the couple’s gratitude.

One retired officer with a surname of Zhou had been Zhu Rongji’s superior.  He practiced Falun Gong and introduced the practice to Zhu Rongji. Li Peng, meanwhile, was no outsider to Falun Gong either. He had read the book “Zhuan Falun” himself.
He obtained his copy from a vice Minister in the Ministry Of Electrical Power Industry, which Li used to head. Since Jiang Zemin lived next door to Li Peng at Zhong Nan Hai, Li Peng personally gave a copy of ” Zhuan Falun” to Jiang.

Sometime before 1996, a Falun Gong practitioner in the Purple Bamboo Park area, went to Jiang Zemin’s home to teach Jiang’s wife, Wang Yeping, the exercise. Jiang was emulating the moves too. But when Wang’d like to teach him. He felt disgraced, and simply would not allow her to practice anymore.

At the time, Jiang loved to emulate Master Li’s gestures and movements. The most typical position he used was that hands across in front of the abdomen. Jiang had used to let his hands dangle at the sides when he spoke in public, but later after finding that Master Li usually keeps his hands folded in front of the abdomen, he followed suit. However, Jiang’s belly is so big that he has to put his hands on his belly.  Jiang’s former supervisor at Wuhan Thermal Power Research Institute practiced Falun Gong as well. At one of the Institute’s parties, former colleagues of Jiang spoke with him about Falun Gong.

In 1996, when Jiang inspected CCTV, he saw that a staff member had a copy of “Zhuan Falun” on his desk, Jiang said to the person: ” Zhuan Falun, this is a good book.”

When Jiang was inspecting a dike during the 1998 flood, he happened upon a group of citizens, toiling away as part of relief efforts. Jiang felt a sense of pride seeing them, and told his subordinates: “These people must be Party members.”
He greeted the group, and only to learn that they were students of Falun Gong. Jiang burned with jealousy.  He turned his back to the group and left. His countenance was solemn.

Falun Gong’s pronounced effects on health and moral values made it spread at an incredible speed. Among the CCP’s high ranking officials, almost everyone in power had read “Zhuan Falun”. The wives of all seven members, of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the Central Committee of CCP, had learned the practice of Falun Gong.

By 1999, over one hundred million people in mainland China had read “Zhuan Falun”.

All of this was subjected to Jiang Zemin’s hatred and envy.
« Last Edit: 7:08 pm Tuesday, July 16, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
6-3: The Mud-Slinger
Reply #17 on: 8:22 pm Wednesday, July 17, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
3: The Mud-Slinger

The Qigong Master Li Hongzhi had numerous students.
There were bound to be a Judas or two. During the initial period when Mr. Li was spreading Falun Gong, a few of the practice activity coordinators from Changchun City, violated multiple times the stipulations of Falun Gong. They embezzled and diverted the extremely tight funds the practice was working with, and tampered with its exercises. Mr. Li repeatedly showed patience to the group, sources told. But they continued down that path and ended up turning against Falun Gong.

Beginning in 1994, the group wrote letters to 13 ministries and commissions directly under the State Council, lodging false accusations against Falun Gong. They wrote 3 volumes enumerating 12 charges, which though lacking factual bases, amounted to thousand pages. It’s this very same material that would later become, in 1999, a subterfuge for the CCP when it launched its suppression of Falun Gong.

In Feb. 9, 1995 the Falun Gong Research Society of China submitted three detailed reports, to China’s Scientific Qigong Research Association, and other Departments.
Many leaders were surprised upon learning the truth of the matter. They responded: ” Falun Gong is so good, why didn’t you contact us early? We didn’t know about you. Please keep us posted in the future.” And that ended the 1994 episode of the defamatory materials.

Back in Feb. in 1980, the first Conference On Extraordinary Somatic Functioning was held in Shanghai. In Beijing, Hu Yaobang, the General Secretary of the CCP at the time, to prove the existing of the supernatural ability, personally wrote a note on a piece of paper and sealed it in a container. No one but he knew its content. He asked his secretary to take the sealed note to the conference. His secretary returned to Beijing with Hu’s note still sealed, along with the wording, read from the sealed note by the person with supernatural abilities. Hu examined the container that he had personally sealed to ensure it hadn’t been tampered with, looked at the word from the person with supernatural abilities, confirmed its accuracy, and came to believe that supernatural abilities do exist.

Soon afterward, Hu instructed the Ministry of Propaganda of the CCP’s Central Committee, to follow a policy of “3 No’s” on matters of qigong: No publicizing, no debating, no criticizing. He also instructed that a small number of people be allowed to research the phenomenon. In April of 1982, the Ministry thus proceeded to issue a notice that the message was to be passed on. And this was the well-known policy of “3 No’s.”

However, someone acted on the contrary with a hidden agenda. He Zuoxiu, Luo Gan’s brother-in-law, was known as the academician of the two Academies. He ‘d be more accurately described as a political opportunist. He’d be good at passing himself out as a statesman while in the company of scientists, and a scientist in the company of politicians. He was extremely skilled in critiquing genuine science on politically informed ideological ground.

Because of his political contribution by way of attacking politically incorrect sciences, and safe-guarding Party ideology, He was recommended, in strong terms, by “Red Flag”, the State-run journal, for promotion to the Chinese Academy of Sciences. Following his promotion, He continued to utilize his credentials in the political service for the CCP, especially for its top leaders.

In 2001, when Jiang Zemin’s theory of “3 Represents” was being trumpeted, He gave a speech at a conference on Quantum Mechanics, at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, in which he declared: “The laws of quantum mechanics confirm to the spirit of Jiang Zemin’s 3 Represents.” Several honest scholars with integrity promptly left the conference.
Many more felt indignant, but dared not speak out.

In May of 1998, He Zuoxiu fomented an incident involving Beijing Television. He raked a story up about Falun Gong for a program run on Beijing TV called “Beijing Express.” He told a reporter that a Ph.D. student at the Chinese Academy of Sciences had developed psychosis, as a result of practicing Falun Gong.

Many persons who had benefited from the practice of Falun Gong, went to Beijing Television, of their own accord, to explain the truth of the matter. While the student did exhibit abnormal behavior, it had nothing to do with Falun Gong. One person at the station, a deputy director noticed the peacefulness of the group. Upon learning the truth of things, he decided at once to produce another program. This time was to undo the negative impact of the erroneous story. The issue was resolved satisfactorily. One deputy Mayor in Beijing personally instructed the Beijing based media, not to run any of He’s misleading articles.

However, He Zuoxiu set his sight elsewhere to defame Falun Gong. In April of 1999, He published an article entitled” I Don’t Support Young People Practice In Qigong”, in a small newspaper in the city of Tianjin, again framing up Falun Gong, which made several thousand followers of the practice, going out of their own accord to see the editorial dept. of the newspaper, and talk about the matter.

But just as the group was about to end what had been a calm and rational meeting, and the publisher of the newspaper was ready to publish a correction, the Tianjin City government suddenly dispatched riot police, to disperse those who had gathered outside the office. A total of 45 Falun Gong practitioners were beaten and arrested. The Tianjin Municipal government then told those at present, that the order to quell the crowd had come from Beijing, and thus encourage the group to go to Beijing to report the matter.

He Zuoxiu knew, that his in-law, Luo Gan had seen a way to win favor with Jiang Zemin by attacking Falun Gong, and thus he did his utmost to discredit Falun Gong in the name of science. All of this was part of their plan to trap Falun Gong practitioners, and later on, indeed, touched off the vicious persecution of Falun Gong.

Jiang Zemin had read “Zhuan Falun” and knew Falun Gong was a beneficial practice. He knew all of these accusations were false. However, with so many people were practicing Falun Gong, and believing in Mr. Li’s teachings, and, particularly, nobody took his theory of “3 Represents” seriously, Jiang had been jealous . All of these false accusations offered him a good chance to initiate a crackdown.

Post Merge:  8:18 pm Thursday, July 18, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
4: The Hidden Agenda

Although Falun Gong’s spread was touching people’s heart and benefiting the nation and its citizens, in 1996 Vice Minister of the Central Ministry Propaganda, Xu Guangchun, seeking political gains for himself, summoned to a meeting the editors-in-chief of the ten major newspapers run by the Central Committee, and ordered to publish an article maligning Falun Gong. Afterward, the present publication administration under the Central Ministry of Propaganda, violating the Policy of “3 No’s”, prohibited the publication of all Falun Gong’s books.

However, by that time, there were adherents of Falun Gong working at almost every major newspaper. And in the Ministry of Public Security, notably many chiefs and directors of the public security bureau, and public security dept. in various cities, were practicing Falun Gong. The relevant governments’ offices received hundreds of thousands of letters of support, from the public describing what Falun Gong was all about.
The attempted 1996 suppression of Falun Gong thus fizzled out before it got out off ground.

Luo Gan then attempted twice, one in 1997 and again in 1998, to suppress Falun Gong, on the ground that it was a heretic cult. This was not because, notably, Falun Gong had done something wrong, instead, it was because Luo had been appointed the secretary of the Commission on Political and Legal Affairs, which was about as high of a rank as he could reach at the time. And as such, he needed to do something impressive, if he wishes to gain further promotion. Just as servicemen are most esteemed in times of war, Luo wanted to muddy the water of his country so that he himself as the Secretary of the Commission on Political and Legal Affairs, would become the political focus of things.

He ordered the regional Public Security Dept. to collect evidence. Agents were sent to the practice sites of Falun Gong.
They studied the Falun Gong’s main text “Zhuan Falun” as planted agents. But Falun Gong, as a rule, has no secret to hide.
Its activities were open, and the public was welcomed.
Persons came and left freely, with no registration or membership fee involved. Many of the planted agents, in fact, decided to take up the practice for real.

Luo grew worried that evidence incriminating Falun Gong was not turning up. It was at this time that he learned that those charged with overseeing qigong in the Ministry of Public Security, typically knew a lot about qigong, and many were themselves practicing it. It turned out the relevant persons in charge wouldn’t implement his orders. Luo had begun as early as 1996 to restructure the Ministry of Public Security.
He transferred to other Dept. all of those who were handling qigong affairs, and those who were knowledgeable about qigong.

The two investigations conducted by Luo, did, however, have some severe adverse consequences for Falun Gong in some areas. For example, the Public Security Bureau in Chao Yang City, Liaoning Province, issued in 1998 a certain document #37, entitled” Notice On Forbidding Illegal Activities Of Falun Gong”
The item was sent to its subsidiary Public Security Branches. Some of Falun Gong’s volunteer helpers were fined multiple times, with total fines over four thousand yuan. No receipt or only unofficial receipts were given. More than 40 people went to the Ministry of Public Security to petition authority on the matter. More than one thousand persons submitted jointed complains to Chao Yang Public Security Bureau, on the ground that the bureau’s actions were unlawful, and violating citizen’s rights.

In other areas, such as Xinjiang, Heilongjiang, Hebei and Fujian Provinces, local public security officers used force to disperse people who had gathered in public to do the exercises of Falun Gong. They unlawfully ransacked adherents’ homes, broke into private residences, and confiscated personal properties.

Upon learning of what Luo had done, Zhu Rongji had reprimanded Luo, criticized him for using the most advanced spy tactics to deal with common people, instead of focusing on more major and serious matters. Luo was quite dejected by this. Unremorseful, Luo backed on his good relationship with Jiang Zemin, and dared to withhold a positive memo on Falun Gong written by Zhu Rongji, stopping it from being passed on to subsidiary departments.

The State Sports Administration carried out a comprehensive investigation of Falun Gong in May of 1998. The survey found that overall Falun Gong was effective in improving the health and fitness level of 97.9% of those involved. And it had achieved remarkable results in improving society’s stability and moral ethics. During the same period, an investigation conducted by nongovernmental organizations in Dalian City, Beijing, and other places, arrived at similar results.

In 1998, several retired senior officials of the National People’s Congress, with Qiao Shi as the head, launched their investigation into Falun Gong. The investigation concluded that Falun Gong has many benefits, and does nothing to harm the state or the people. It was submitted to the Politburo headed by Jiang Zemin.

In Feb. of 1999, a major magazine in the United States,”US News And World Report”, run an article that quoted a Chinese government source as saying, that Falun Gong could save each person one thousand yuan in annual medical fees. If one hundred million people were practicing it, one hundred billion yuan would be saved per year in medical fees. Premier Zhu Rongji said very happily: “The country could use the money right now.”

By early 1999, Media Outlet in China stated in their fitness reportage that one hundred million people were practicing Falun Gong. The book “Zhuan Falun” was translated into many foreign languages, and was being read in 30 countries and territories around the world. Many persons of non-Chinese descents traveled thousands of miles to China to learn Chinese, just so that they could read the original Chinese text of Zhuan Falun. The Chinese culture, despite its experiences in modern times, once again, spread to the world.

The 1999 Qing Hua alumni union happened to be on April 25, the day ten thousand followers of Falun Gong gathered in a demonstration at the State Letter and Complain Bureau near Zhong Nan Hai. Hu Jintao and his wife saw the dramatic scene on their way back to Zhong Nan Hai from the alumni party.
Worrying about a possible crackdown, Hu right away passed on words to his former classmate, Falun Gong practitioner, Zhang Mengye, to be careful.

In 1995, Jiang Zemin began to promote his theory of so-called “3 Represents”. Few, if any, really took it seriously.  By contrast, however, Jiang could find the Falun Gong’s guiding book “Zhuan Falun” just about everywhere. And he knew the number of Falun Gong practitioners had been growing at a torrid pace. From time to time, somebody, in Jiang’s present, would express admiration for Master Li’s noble character and exemplary conduct.

This was a lot for Jiang Zemin’s ego to handle.
« Last Edit: 8:18 pm Thursday, July 18, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
6-5: An Easy Target
Reply #18 on: 8:18 pm Friday, July 19, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
5: An Easy Target

In 1999, the pseudo-scientist, He Zuoxiu published an article in Tianjin to frame-up Falun Gong. Several thousand Falun Gong followers went to the newspaper to clarify the truth. The publisher was about to issue a correction when the municipal government sent riot police, who had beaten up and dispersed the crowd, and arrested 45 people. The Tianjin government claimed, that they were just following orders from Beijing.

The persons then in charge of Falun Gong Research Society, among whom were Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen, and Ji Liewu, discussed the situation, and decided to lodge an appeal with the State Letter and Complain Bureau on April 25. Those who heard of the decision contacted one another, with the result being some ten thousand persons appearing at the State Letter and Complain Bureau, located adjacent to Zhong Nan Hai that day. Their requests were, first, the Tianjin government to release the fellow practitioners it had detained; second, freedom to practice Falun Gong to be ensured; third, once again the publications of Falun Gong books to be allowed in China. The episode was known in history as the April 25 Event.

Premier Zhu Rongji was himself twice ostracized under Mao Zedong. And just one year before, he had written a positive valuation of Falun Gong. So it was that Zhu did something in stark contrast to the CCP’s manner of handling petitioners, that is, not making contact, not dialoguing, and not make compromises. He had himself a meeting with the representatives of the petitioners, and instructed Tianjin to release the people it detained.

As for Jiang Zemin, he was part of the Tian An Men Massacre, as well as its biggest beneficiary. Due to this, the event of April 25 was downright frightening: Jiang promptly called Beijing Garrison Force, and asked whether the army stationed in Beijing could immediately march to the scene of Zhong Nan Hai, and drive out via force the surrounding Falun Gong adherents, if they did not disperse at midnight. The one who answered the phone declared at once, to follow Chairman Jiang’s order at any time! Later Jiang would promote the person several ranks. In the afternoon, Jiang called You Xigui, director of the Central Guard Bureau, and told him to enact Martial Law as soon as possible. Jiang said he wanted to come out and personally to inspect the scene.

Jiang then went about inspecting the scene from behind the tinted glass of a bullet-proof passenger vehicle in which he rode. Outside in front of the Falun Gong demonstrators, was the cordon set up expressly for Jiang’s inspection. In Jiang’s view, that so many people practice Falun Gong meant it was competing with the Party for the masses; that it was because Falun Gong had a tight organization that its students adopted a peaceful and reasonable means of demonstration; and that the Falun Gong group coming to Zhong Nan Hai was openly challenging him!

What drove his irritation especially was that he saw at least a few dozen servicemen, bearing military insignia who apparently followed Falun Gong, instead of himself, the Chairman of the Military Commission of the CCP!

The meeting that took place inside Zhong Nan Hai was not all that smooth, however. The officials made no promises in the discussion because for one, Jiang Zemin hadn’t told them the bottom line as how to handle the meeting. And secondly, Luo Gan had been trying to find fault with Falun Gong. Later, Li Chang along with Wang Youqun and three others came to Zhong Nan Hai to join the dialogue.

Some ten thousand Falun Gong students waited quietly outside Zhong Nan Hai. The dialogue ended not until after 8 pm. Upon learning then, of the release of those detained in Tianjin, the crowd outside the compound quietly left the scene, and not a piece of paper was left behind. The group had gone out of its way to keep the site clean and orderly. International media portrayed, in a positive light, both the Falun Gong demonstrators for their composure, and the government for its open-mindedness. The event was seen as the first non-violent rational dialogue to have taken place between officials and the public, since the CCP had come to power.

However, Jiang Zemin flew into a rage. He had been jealous of the legendary Master Li Hongzhi. In addition, his old enemy, Qiao Shi had been a Falun Gong supporter. Coupled with this was the fact that international media reported in a positive light on both parties involved in the event, which undoubtedly boosted the merit of Zhu Rongji. This only served to fan the flame of Jiang’s jealousy.

Taking a page from Mao Zedong, who launched the Cultural Revolution in 1966, with a letter entitled” Bombard the Central Command”, Jiang also wrote a letter to the Politburo on the evening of April 25. To garner support for his decision among the members of the Standing Committee, Jiang in his letter accused Falun Gong of having connections with overseas and Western forces, and demanded the Communist Party using Marx-Leninism defeat Falun Gong! The letter was later printed and distributed, as a notice from the general office of the Central Committee of the CCP, to be studied and implemented.

The day after the event of April 25, Luo Gan, Jia Qinglin and the members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo, held a meeting to discuss how the issue should be handled.
Of the seven members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo, all but Jiang openly expressed objection to the idea of suppression. Jiang insisted that the issue was a political one, involving the very existence of the Party and the nation.
” Exterminate it! Exterminate it! Decisively exterminate it!” Jiang flailed his hand shouting. In order to force the other committee members over to his side, Jiang Zemin used the Ministry of State Security to fabricate alleged evidence, claiming that the founder of Falun Gong was supported by the CIA, and that the CIA had furnished Falun Gong with tens of millions of dollars.

Even the French, blindly believed the CCP’s misinformation. Only later, after a long investigation by their own intelligence system, did the French come to realize that the CIA rumor was bogus, and that they could let down their guard against Falun Gong.

So it was that Jiang, acting on the so-called conclusive evidence, inflated the issue to that Falun Gong would spell the demise of the Party and the country, and must be suppressed at all cost. Nothing does the CCP fear as much as its demise, and nobody wanted on his hand the responsibility of the demise of the nation. Jiang thus managed to unify the group’s viewpoints, and started up the CCP’s violent suppressive machinery, with Falun Gong as its target. What Jiang had in mind, was a classic case of Zhao Gao calling stag a horse so that he could finally see who was really on his side.

Jiang came to see, that Falun Gong was a pacifist group that made a practice of turning the other cheek, and an easy target he could swiftly eliminate within but three months. Afterward, he would be regarded as having saved the Party at a critical moment, and enjoy enormous political gains.

Post Merge:  7:41 pm Saturday, July 20, 2019
Playlist Podcast

Six: Persecution Of Faith
6: The Crackdown

After the April 25 event, of the seven Politburo standing committee members, other than Jiang Zemin, all were against the persecution campaign. Jiang Zemin figured that everybody had a weakness, and everybody could be bribed.
As long as one was firmly in control of state power, anything could be done. Li Lanqing’s son had been cleared of one billion yuan lawsuit by Jiang Zemin, which was used as leverage by Jiang to force Li Lanqing to join his side.

On June 10, 1999, a group or organization headed by Li Lanqing was formed, thus gaining the name 610 Office.
The 610 Office is in every sense of the term “illegal organization”. There are no legal bases for either its formation or its existence. It’s the same as the “CCP Central Committee Leadership Group”, as it was called, that came about during the Cultural Revolution. The only purpose of 610 Office was to bypass the law, bypass the normal examination of approval funds and personnel, and mobilize the entire country’s means of suppression to persecute Falun Gong.

The illegal organization’s head was non-others than Jiang Zemin. All of its orders were given in secret by Jiang, who feared to leave evidence of his doings. When he sent out orders through the office he never signed his name. Orders such as beating Falun Gong followers to death is to be labeled as suicide, then cremate them without identifying the bodies; destroy their reputation; cut them off financially; eradicate them physically.

On July 19, Jiang gave the order to carry out the suppression. Over ten thousand police with guns fully loaded entered Beijing, while the military stationed outside the city went into red alert. On July 20, Jiang gave orders to carry out arrests throughout the country. All those deemed key Falun Gong members were either arrested or taken from their homes for interrogations by the CCP. On July 29, Jiang even tried to extradite Falun Gong’s founder Mr. Li Hongzhi to China through Interpol. The move was denied outright.

Jiang thus ordered the destructions of all Falun Gong books, audios, video materials, and other paraphernalia. He also gave orders that any website that might carry true stories and information about Falun Gong be blocked. Thus the only information on Falun Gong that people could obtain was from the state-run media which were fully controlled by Jiang.

Newspapers, magazines, broadcast stations and TV channels everywhere were put into high gear carrying a litany of articles and programs that smeared and slandered Falun Gong and its founder Mr. Li Hongzhi. Almost everyone was coerced into following the government and supporting the persecution. And the propaganda was broadcast and printed in every corner of the country. Jiang made use of Hongkong media which had been paid off to malign Falun Gong. For example, Liu Changle CEO of the Hongkong based Phoenix Satellite Television is an undercover agent under the Joint Chief of Staff of the People’s Liberation Army.

From early morning on July 20 on, great numbers of Falun Gong practitioners poured into Beijing to voice their grievances, file petitions with government leaders, and assert their legitimate right to practice Falun Gong. Jiang continued to insist that the most severe and extreme measures be used in dealing with those of Falun Gong who petitioned higher authorities, measures including fine, imprisonment, removal from jobs, the punishment of family and implicating one’s work unit. In the several months after that, the numbers of Falun Gong practitioners who gathered to petition leaders in various districts of Beijing reached upward of 3 hundred thousand, while around 7 hundred thousand came forward to petition on behalf of Falun Gong in Beijing’s suburbs, with many stayed in the area for a prolonged period.

What Jiang had found hard to understand was that the Falun Gong practitioners, who continue to petition and demonstrate, were not swayed by any of his measures. Jiang just could not fathom that there people in this world who would not give up their believes for material gains and ease. The conviction held by Falun Gong followers also made Jiang envy Falun Gong’s founder Mr. Li Hongzhi. This only spurred Jiang’s eagerness to suppress Falun Gong.

On the day the persecution in China began, Mr. Li Hongzhi made a public statement calling for support and help of governments around the world, international organizations, and kind-hearted people, asking for help resolving the crisis unfolding in China. He expressed a wish that the Chinese government and its leaders would not consider Falun Gong practitioners as enemies.

Over the next several days, Mr. Li talked with reporters from various countries stating and restating that Falun Gong did not pose a threat to any political regime, and instead could only benefit a government, a country or a people. Mr. Li’s words clarified the truth to many people overseas who were confused about Falun Gong.

On October 26, 1999, a dozen plus Falun Gong practitioners had made through layers of police surveillance, and had held a press conference in a hotel in a suburb of Beijing.
They told international reporters of their experiences doing Falun Gong, and of the physical and spiritual good, it brought them.  They also discussed the reality of brutal suppression they faced in China. Many reporters who were stationed in Beijing attended the press conference and reported accurately.

Jiang was in France at the time. Upon learning the news he screamed: “Tell Luo Gan to resolve this immediately! Round up all of the Falun Gong practitioners who attended the conference and have them killed! I refuse to believe that we can not finish Falun gong! ” In the year that followed, most of those who attended the conference were sentenced to prison, put in forced labor camps, or had gone missing. Two people, Ding Yan, and Cai Mingtao are known to have been killed.

Governments of the free world and human rights organizations responded promptly.
Between July and December of 1999, many statements were made strongly condemning the CCP’s campaign, a campaign that violated human rights and freedom, and calling for the release of the jailed and detained victims. Statements were made by the Canadian government, the World Federation of the United Nations Association, and the Senate and House of Representatives of both Australia and the United States.

In 2001, Asia Week announced that Mr. Li was the most influential figure in Asia that year. Asia Week stated that even facing the CCP’s forced suppression, the influence of Falun gong continued to steadily increase. Even though Mr. Li Hongzhi made fewer public appearances he was still deeply respected and supported by Falun Gong practitioners.
Jiang Zemin’s envy and hatred only grew deeper.
« Last Edit: 7:41 pm Saturday, July 20, 2019 by Et Soh »

Offline Et SohTopic starter

  • 130
  • +0/-0
6-7: Plugging The Hole
Reply #19 on: 8:35 pm Sunday, July 21, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
7: Plugging The Hole

Right from the beginning, Jiang Zemin’s suppression of Falun Gong was lacking followers. Even his former boss Li Peng advised him to be judicious. Premier Zhu Rongji had grown so jaded and dejected, that he was throwing his towel, ceded all his domains to Jiang Zemin, and did not show his face on television. Hu Jintao, the heir apparent to China’s throne, and Li Changchun remained bystanders and onlookers. They weren’t willing to go down history as shameful persecutors, like Jiang Zemin.

Many cities and provinces weren’t interested in carrying out the persecution. They were derelict. Jiang felt he had no choice,, but make a trip to Guangdong province, to supervise in person the campaign against Falun Gong there. Guangdong province, in the end, began sending Falun Gong adherents to forced labor camps. Among the first ones was a college classmate of Hu Jintao, named Zhang Mengye. Jiang Zemin killed two birds with one stone: set a precedent for the persecution in Guangdong, and gave Hu Jintao a bad name for selling out his classmate.

Jiang had Zhu Rongji come to speak with him. He warned Zhu that the most important of the three emphases was stressing politics, and right now the suppression of Falun Gong was the most important political issue. After leaving Jiang’s office, Zhu was visibly taciturn. Not long afterward, Zhu did take a stand in support of Jiang’s decision to persecute, a stand at odds with his own convictions. Perhaps he didn’t want to suffer the pain being labeled as rightist, or perhaps he thought about the pitiful predicament of Zhao Ziyang.

When it came to the rather moronic move to persecute Falun gong, however, nobody was willing to do much for Jiang. Jiang had to rush to the forefront at every stage. It was he, China’s top leader, who at the APEC conference stood to hand each head of state a small pamphlet maligning Falun Gong. Jiang was hopeful that these heads of state would do what he often denounce other for doing, to meddle with China’s internal affairs, and express approval of his suppression. He does not understand that the freedom of faith is a natural right of mankind. Not one head of state dared to say Jiang’s persecution campaign was reasonable. On the contrary, many criticized the persecution of Falun Gong in mainland China.

Three months passed, the suppression faced with pressures from other nations, and increased numbers of domestic petitioners. And quite many retired high ranking officials felt terrible about Jiang’s suppressive campaign.

Such sentiments and the topic of stopping the persecution and offering Falun Gong a readdress, were coming up at the meetings of the Politburo. Jiang was extremely displeased.
If Falun gong were readdressed, it would mean to the whole world that he had admitted his own wrongdoing.

Jiang sought Zeng Qinghong and Bo Yibo’s advice. The crafty Zeng told Jiang that if he wanted to intensify the suppression, he must force everybody to get involved by making the suppression part of every official’s performance. Whoever failed to perform, had to face dismissal. The cruel Bo Yibo pitched in with additional advice: “We must have the provinces kill some Falun Gong practitioners. Once it involved lives, they will have to go along with the Party, to carry out the crackdown.”

Jiang also appointed his son Jiang Mianheng as vice president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, to further control the highest body of science and education. He ordered Lu Yongxiang, president of the Academy, to organize a group of academics, to promote science and atheism, as a means of criticizing Falun Gong, and asked him to convert China’s most accomplished scientist, and most influential qigong supporter, Qian Xuesen.

Jiang utilized his son’s company, China Network, to enforce Internet control. However, many overseas Falun Gong students were well-trained scientists, they broke through the blockade with new technology, and kept in touch with fellow practitioners inside China to expose the persecution, and provided them with updated information on news and developments overseas.

In the first 3 months, during which Falun Gong adherents were being unlawfully arrested, several were tortured to death.
As Jiang Zemin thought about the tremendous pressure he was facing from the international community, he realized that he had overlooked something: While plotting the persecution he had not established a legal basis for arresting and charging Falun Gong followers. If Falun Gong were to be finished off, Jiang believed, this hole would have to be plugged.

So, on October 30, 1999, a National People’s Congress incited by Jiang put forth a decision to punish the alleged cult.
To the international community, as long as the law does not call something a crime, one can not be convicted for it. A new law can not make a person guilty of acts committed before the law was enacted. Jiang wanted, however, to use laws made in October to convict Falun Gong followers arrested in July.
It should be pointed out that even today, Chinese law has not banned Falun Gong.

Even though Jiang ordered the Ministry of Public Security to publish an announcement with six bans, such as banning a person from doing Falun Gong or petitioning the government on its behalf, the Ministry of Public Security is not a legislative body. The six bans thus have no legal validity.

Furthermore, the Anti-Cult Legislations that the People’s Congress passed in October 1999, cannot be legally used to convict Falun Gong adherents, of being cult members, for when a law is created, it can only designate certain behaviors as violating the law, not a certain group of people by their identity. The rhetoric denouncing Falun Gong as a cult has either come from Jiang or the People’s Daily, neither of which has legislative power. Their claims can not be used as a basis for court rulings.

Luo Gan acted on prompting from Jiang, and gave orders that former members of Falun Gong Research Society, Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen, Ji Liewu, and Yao Jie were sentenced to prison, the longest sentence being 18 years. What’s more, Jiang Zemin arrested all of the 300 plus practitioners who were presented at the trial, even sent some of them to forced labor camps. Jiang Zemin in the name of the law has been violating the law himself!

Post Merge: 12:00 am Monday, July 22, 2019

Six: Persecution Of Faith
8: Evils Broke Loose

Jiang Zemin wants to destroy Falun Gong practitioners’ reputations, cut them off financially, eradicate them physically. In May of 2000, the CCP gave the police the authority to arrest Falun Gong practitioners of their own accord without arrest warrants. To protest such unlawful arrests, in October 2000, upwards of ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners made to Tian An Men Square, and displayed banners. And thousands of adherents were even doing exercise in groups.

Somebody in the Politburo was having a good laugh at Jiang Zemin. His understanding of the power of spiritual belief fell squarely within the old way of thinking of the CCP’s class struggle. Although Jiang utilized the hardest means of suppression and persecution, acquired by the CCP over decades, Falun Gong just would not yield, and its practitioners protest peacefully. No one attempts to retaliate or resort to any kind of violence. Jiang was utterly helpless in the face of the unarmed Falun Gong followers.

At times, Falun Gong adherents appeared that they were being assisted by a higher power. For example, in October 2000, more than ten Falun Gong practitioners were handcuffed, and taken into the detention center. However, after they entered the cell, all of their hand-cuffs simultaneously came off.
All the guards and inmates were dumbfounded. Afterward, no one dared to make any trouble for the practitioners. When Jiang Zemin read the report on this, he was left in a cold sweat, and dared not to think about it anymore.

All Jiang could do, was simply intensify the efforts to win the 610 office over, with money and power. After they carried out the persecution orders, they were rewarded with bonuses and promotions. Under the bribery and intimidation by Jiang and CCP, the last thread of innate kindness was destroyed in some of the law-enforce officials. Their wicked side engorged quickly.
They persecute and torture Falun Gong practitioners in many cruel and inhuman ways.

Chen Zixiu, 58, a woman practitioner from Wei Fang, Shandong Province, refused to renounce her faith in Falun Gong. After repeated jolts from cattle prod by the police, she was forced to run barefoot in the snow. She vomited and collapsed, never gained consciousness and died on Feb. 21. Two days of tortures left her body too horrible to looked at. The police claimed that she had died from a sudden heart attack, and extorted 3000 yuan fees from her daughter.

The Wall Street Journal reporter, Ian Johnson, wrote a report on Chen Zixiu, later won the Pulitzer Prize for his series of stories on Falun Gong. However, the Chinese government detained Chen’s daughter, because she told the truth, and appealed for justice for her mother. And her husband was forbidden to visit her during her detention, while the torturers were promoted one after another.

Chinese psychiatric hospitals are utilized in the persecutions too, where Falun Gong followers are locked up and tortured with chemical injections. Most of the staff there are either police officers or hired thugs. They inject healthy Falun Gong followers with psychiatric drugs. In Changping County psychiatric hospital, the hired thugs gang-raped a nine-year-old girl at night, whose parents were Falun Gong practitioners locked up in the hospital, and later were murdered there.

Still, some people wouldn’t take part in the suppression.
To mass more man-power, Jiang Zemin ordered the merger between the political defense division and the 610 office, thereby effectively expanding the 610, to intensify its suppression of Falun Gong. As a result, the 610 offices had more power than units at any other level of the police system.

The power of the 610 office within the provincial police department was so great that they can arrange an inspection of, and issue orders to, other units at the same level.
But what was laughable was that very few police officers responded to the recruitment efforts on the part of 610.
In the end, the assignments of personnel had to be appointed by a computer. Even within the police system, 610 become synonymous with messing around. Many police officers with a sense of justice refused to get involved in the persecutions.

A former 610 police officer, Hao Fengjun, who escaped to Australia in 2005, described how he felt when he was performing that job: “At the office, we would often talk to each other with our mouth half-covered, voice as low as possible, and eyes darting all around. Having been in that atmosphere for a long time, we grew accustomed to speaking in this fashion even in public situations. Like we are afraid of being heard, or afraid others might know what we are talking about. We are so sneaky. It’s like we have developed a mental disorder.”

Hao Fengjun said:” Once, I rushed to work, drove to the prison of the Nan Kai branch of the Tianjin Public Bureau.
I saw Falun Gong practitioner Sun Ti’s eyes were so swollen because of the beating. The police officer who interrogated her was Mu Ruili, the captain of the 2nd division of the 610 office of Bureau of the State Security. Mu was holding a steel rod, 0.6 in. in diameter, with screw threads that show blood stains.
And there was a high-voltage electrical baton on the table.”

“Sun showed me her back. I was shocked. Almost her entire back had turned black. There were two gashes, of about 8 in. in length, oozing blood. I also saw policemen beating her with a metal rod, that was over a foot long. When I saw this, I knew I couldn’t do this job.”

Hao Fengjun spoke out to stop the suppression. As a result, he was jailed in the cell at sub-zero temperatures for more than 20 days. In Australia, Hao Fengjun and Chen Yonglin, a former council in the Chinese Consulate in Sidney, Australia, who was in charge of political issues, spoke out in public about their personal experiences, exposing the merciless brutality of the CCP’s persecution of Falun Gong in and outside China.

A third person, a former CCP police officer, who escaped to Australia and who was unwilling to reveal his name, told his experience to an Australian TV program “Lateline”, through Bernard Collaery, a well-respected attorney in Cabeira.
Once, he heard the sound of someone being beaten up in the police department. So he hurried to break it up.
But he was told to leave. He saw a naked man, whose head had collapsed back into a chair. His legs were outstretched.
It was obvious that he was already dead.

Han Guangsheng, who was once the associate director of the Public Security Bureau in Shenyang City, Liaoning Province, escaped to Canada in Sept. 2001. He revealed that Jiang Zemin’s order at that time, was primarily an effort to stop Falun Gong practitioners from going to Beijing to appeal:
“One of the controlling measures is that if more than 3 Falun Gong practitioners go to appeal, then the Party’s vice secretary and the secretary of that city, have to do self-criticism.
To avoid that, leaders from each city started using the power of the police, and a lot of money, to stop Falun Gong practitioners from going to Beijing.”

Han Guangsheng said: “Ma San Jia labor-camp implemented all sorts of methods of torture and abuse, to improve their renunciation rate.” “I didn’t know it initially but later found out, that the Ministry of Justice ordered all cities to go to Ma San Jia, to learn their transformation techniques. The principal techniques used in Ma San Jia is the use of electrical baton!”

Practitioner Gao Rongrong, a staff member from the financial department of Luxun Academy of Fine Art in Shenyang, was shocked on her face with electrical batons, for over six hours by Tang Yubao and Jiang Zhaohua, on May 7, 2004, in Long Shan labor-camp. Her beautiful face was severely disfigured.
One year later, Gao Rongrong was tortured to death.

From July 20, 1999, to June 2005, more than one hundred thousand Falun Gong adherents, including pregnant women, the elderly, and young children had been sent to forced labor-camps without trial.  More than six thousand practitioners were formally sentenced to prison terms up to 20 years.  Several thousand Falun Gong practitioners were detained in psychiatric hospitals and injected with drugs harmful to their nervous systems. Over 3 thousand deaths under police custody, have been confirmed. Moreover, the whereabouts of countless adherents are still unknown. The depth and breadth of this catastrophe are still difficult to estimate.

Post Merge:  8:23 pm Monday, July 22, 2019
Download: Anything For Power – CD/Playlist For Windows

After Download, You can either open this iso file with Windows Explorer to play the show, or use it to burn a CD disc which would play on Windows.

« Last Edit: 8:24 pm Monday, July 22, 2019 by Et Soh »